This dissertation is an attempt to portray the revolutionary character of the American Civil War through a comparative methodology utilizing the French Revolution as both point of influence and as a parallel example. Within this novel context, subtle trends in the ideological development of the Republican Party's Radical wing undertake new meaning and an alternative revolutionary heritage takes shape around an idealization of the universalism of the French and Haitian Revolutions of the 1790s. The work argues that through a diffusion of ideas and knowledge of events from the streets of Paris into the fields of Haiti and onto the shores of the American coast, a small faction of militant abolitionists latched onto the ideal of the Haitian Revolution as their own legacy. By the late 1830s, this radical edge of the antislavery movement embarked onto two courses, both derived from and influenced by their newfound ideology. The first was towards violent direct action against slavery while the second aimed at legitimizing radical new legal theories and creating the political structure necessary to bring about their enforcement. While on the one hand John Brown and Gerrit Smith pursued militant action, on the other Alvan Stewart and Salmon P. Chase sought a political and legal redefinition of American society through the Liberty and eventually Republican parties. With the coming of war in the 1860s, these two trends, violence and radical politics, converged in the Union war effort. In the midst of the Civil War and the early fight for Reconstruction, Radical Republicans and their allies in the Union Army displayed themselves as American Jacobins. Through a set of comparisons with French Revolutionary events and political debates, this thesis argues that the result of the ideological development between the American Revolution and the Civil War Era in the United States was the creation of a revolutionary ideology parallel to that of French Jacobinism. By the time of their fall from power, the Radical Republicans had seen their ideals both lambasted as the radical edge of politics and then transformed into the status quo, helping to prepare the nation for modernity.

Au sortir de quatre années d’une guerre fratricide, les États-Unis s’engageaient sur la voie de la Reconstruction, période qui généra des questions autour de la liberté. Deux catégories étaient au cœur d’une actualité faite de rebondissements multiples : les Noirs et les femmes. Les uns parce que leurs soutiens abolitionnistes souhaitaient obtenir une citoyenneté immédiate (“This is the Negro’s hour”) ; les autres parce qu’elles étaient les alliées de longue date des mêmes abolitionnistes et réclamaient dorénavant le suffrage. Ce fut le début d’alliances, de mésalliances entre les hommes noirs, les suffragists, les femmes noires et leurs soutiens et adversaires respectifs, pris qu’ils étaient dans les péripéties de luttes et de causes qui, bien que complémentaires et concomitantes, demeurèrent souvent différentes voire divergentes sur le plan des principes et des stratégies de lutte, ce qui mena parfois à une hostilité réciproque. Tous entrèrent ainsi dans un jeu continu entre universalisme et particularisme (s) jusqu’à l’avènement du vote féminin (Sud mis à part) en 1920 puis du Voting Right Act (1865). Que la réussite des un(e)s dépendît ou non de la victoire des autres, les défaites successives des un(e)s et des autres montraient quant à elles les réticences d’une société traversée par les convulsions occasionnées par ses contradictions d’origine : depuis qu’elle avait proclamé tous les hommes (hormis les Noirs, les Amérindiens et les femmes) égaux. L’inclusion électorale des Noirs et des femmes fut effective au terme de plus d’un siècle de luttes, d’alliances et de mésalliances qui se succédèrent au milieu de cycles successifs d’adhésions ou d’oppositions souvent tumultueuses d’un bout à l’autre de l’échiquier politique. / In the wake of a tragic civil war, the United States entered a period of Reconstruction that aroused many questions about the notion of liberty. Two groups were propelled into the center of the country’s public debate: Blacks and women. While the former became a central issue because their abolitionist allies wanted them to garner immediate citizenship (“This is the Negro’s hour”), the latter were trying to catch public attention because they had been longtime allies to the same abolitionists and were now claiming their own enfranchisement. That was the inception of a long period made of alliances interspersed with moments of blatant disagreement and even separation between black male militants, suffragists, black female franchise advocators, and their respective supporters or opponents. They were all caught in the twists and turns of struggles and causes that complemented one another. Though their motives were concomitant and compatible, they remained fundamentally distinct, even divergent in terms of principles and strategies, which sometimes sparked mutual hostility. They all entered a cycle of actions oscillating between a universal and a particular claim of the franchise. This situation prevailed until the advent of universal female suffrage in 1920 (except for black women in the South). Whether or not the success or failure of black males depended on the defeat of women, the successive defeats of both groups pointed out the reluctance of a society undergoing the convulsions sparked by its original contradictions stemming from the very period when it declared all men equal; all except Indians, Blacks, and women. The final enfranchisement of both women and Blacks took more than a century of alliances and dissociations in the midst of a tumult of successive support or opposition across the country’s political spectrum.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:15:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emelyn Mariana.pdf: 3487909 bytes, checksum: 2ab7cd06be64c07f115c6d048ac016f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-07 / The present work aims to study the black rebellion in the years before slavery and its consequences, both social and educational. The fact of the Province of Sao Paulo has become a major coffee exporter made of it a strong enslaver center. No one can deny the influence of four centuries of slavery, nor its effects on the nation. Slavery was abolished on May 13, 1888, and this measure has launched in the streets a crowd of free blacks without any future prospects. They were not prepared to live in freedom, the society was not organized to receive them as free workers and pay for their work. Many people thought of them as lazy, loafer and riotous. They were never treated as equals, but as a mediocre and inferior race, whose immorality and excesses reach an irreversible point, if not controlled. Given this situation, it was necessary to draw up plans to curb excesses and the fury of the great mass of freedmen loose in the streets, it became an extreme urgency to use several means in order to maintain the social control, inculcating in the black people minds the harm caused by the riots, the duty of work, the abandonment of the vices. Therefore, intellectuals, politicians and major exporters (who represented the economic power of the time) started to use the various media for propagation of republican values, newspapers, political conferences, newsletters and, also, the educational system. Through reading books, educational magazine articles, addition of new disciplines to the school curriculum and even the action of the teacher in the classroom aimed at the docility of the people habits. The Republicans who took political power in the country were not only concerned in educating the few, who had access to schooling, but also, though example, educate and calm down the lazy and loafer blacks who could not attend school. Thence resulting in a great concern about the establishment of rules, organization, respect and punishments in the newly restructured school environment (AU) / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo o estudo da rebeldia negra nos anos antecedentes a escravidão e suas conseqüências, tanto social como educacional. O fato da Província de São Paulo ter se tornado uma grande exportadora de café fez dela um forte centro escravocrata. Não se pode negar a influência de quatro séculos de escravidão, nem tão pouco seus efeitos sobre a nação. Em 13 de maio de 1888 fora decretada a abolição, e esta medida lançou nas ruas uma multidão de negros livres sem qualquer perspectiva de futuro. Não foram preparados para viver em liberdade, a sociedade não estava organizada para recebê-los como trabalhadores livres e pagar por seu trabalho. Ao olhar de muitos eram tidos como preguiçosos, vadios e desordeiros. Nunca foram tratados como iguais, mas sim como uma raça medíocre e inferior, onde a imoralidade e os excessos chegam a um ponto irreversível, caso não sejam controlados. Diante dessa situação, fazia-se necessário traçar planos para conter os excessos e o furor da grande massa de libertos soltos pelas ruas, torna-se de extrema urgência a utilização de meios diversos a fim de manter o controle social, inculcando na mente da população negra os malefícios causados pelas revoltas, o dever de trabalhar, o abandono dos vícios. Para tanto, os intelectuais, políticos e os grandes exportadores (que representavam o poder econômico da época), passam a utilizar-se de diversos meios para propagação dos valores republicanos, jornais, conferências políticas, boletins e também o sistema educacional. Por meios de livros de leitura, artigos em revistas educacionais, adição de novas disciplinas no currículo escolar e até mesmo a ação do professor em sala de aula visavam a docilização dos costumes do povo. Os republicanos que assumiram o poder político do país não estavam apenas preocupados em educar os poucos que tinham acesso à escolarização, mas também, através do exemplo, educar e acalmar os ânimos dos negros vadios e preguiçosos que não podiam freqüentar a escola. Daí resulta tamanha preocupação com o estabelecimento de regras, organização, respeito e punições no ambiente escolar recém reestruturado (AU)

Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / This work examines Maxwell M. Rabb's role in the area of civil rights and race relations from January 1953 through May 1958 during the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Rabb was the first Secretary to the Cabinet, a position created by Eisenhower. In his lesser known duty, Max Rabb quietly developed many aspects of President Eisenhower's civil rights program. Chapter One describes Rabb's pivotal role in ending segregation in the military establishment to include the Navy and the Veterans Administration. In this chapter Rabb is a lone operator, personally meeting with principal actors in the Eisenhower Administration and U.S. Congress to end segregation. Chapter Two examines how Rabb participated in and helped to develop the various organizations of the White House. As the organizations within the Eisenhower White House matured, Rabb was able to use them as roads into the problem of civil rights and to use their power to advance civil rights. The final chapter focuses on the confluence of race relations and human rights on the one hand with U.S. domestic and foreign policy on the other. The chapter uses four cases studies to illustrate the growing importance of American race relations in world affairs after World War II. Max Rabb's participation in each case serves as a reminder that the American domestic sphere had become a cause of international concern and could damage the credibility of U.S democratic values in the a world where racial sensitivity was on the rise and increasingly a factor in international relations. This work ends by concluding that Rabb's effectiveness was severely limited by President Eisenhower's narrow understanding of the limits of government. Rabb was a New Deal Republican serving in the administration of a man who rejected the activism required by New Deal Liberalism. Though Rabb served Eisenhower well, it was Eisenhower who failed to sense the full scope of the problems in U.S. civil rights and race relations.

Barack Obama's administration inherited one of the most severe economic crises in the history of the United States, which severely undermined the American public's confidence in the country's political and economic future. Declining trust in the federal government and its handling of the economic recession gave rise to two influential movements, the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street, which were thoroughly critical of the country's leadership. Both movements made use of a strong populist rhetoric and mobilized masses by denouncing the political and financial elites, calling for returning control over the country's fate into the hands of ordinary citizens. My master's thesis is an analysis of the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street that focuses on the ideology and goals that drove these popular movements, as well as highlights the most crucial commonalities and differences between them. I argue in favor of interpreting the ideologies behind the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street as two distinct types of populism, in addition to which I emphasize the different degree of outside support the two movements enjoyed during their rise to prominence. To determine how influential the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street became during Barack Obama's presidency, I also study their relationship with the political...

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Les quarante-cinq premières années de la Troisième République se caractérisent par une politique de laïcisation touchant de nombreux domaines, à commencer par l’éducation, politique qui culmine en 1905 avec la loi de Séparation des Eglises et de l’Etat. La ville de Lyon, qui avait connu durant les deux premiers tiers du XIXème siècle une renaissance particulièrement forte du catholicisme, se manifestant par la création d’œuvres dynamiques, se voit confrontée en retour à une vague particulièrement puissante d’anticléricalisme. La confrontation des deux groupes idéologiquement opposés, que l’on peut nommer « clérical » et « anticlérical », détermine toute une succession de crises, d’accalmies, de recompositions, dont les spécificités lyonnaises ne pas toujours liées à celles du contexte national. Dans ses aspects concrets, cette lutte n’est pas perçue de la même façon chez tous ceux qui se rassemblent autour de l'étiquette « anticléricale » : les ouvriers de la Guillotière n’ont pas les mêmes griefs à formuler contre le clergé que les radicaux du « Comité de la rue de Grôlée ». Néanmoins, autant l’anticléricalisme reste assez simple à définir, autant le cléricalisme se révèle plus difficile à appréhender : il dépend d’abord du regard de l’autre, notamment de l’anticlérical. Les diverses manifestations de défense religieuse d’un catholicisme qui se perçoit alors volontiers comme une citadelle assiégée, les multiples attaques contre le clergé, voire contre la religion, des hommes au pouvoir, s’inscrivent à Lyon, sur la longue durée, dans le droit fil d’une série de luttes, d’insurrections et de répressions, dont chaque camp revendique - ou non - la postérité idéologique. / One of the main features of the first forty five years of the Third Republic is a policy of secularization in many fields, beginning with education and reaching its climax in 1905 when the law on the separation between church and state was passed (given the French context at the time, it especially targeted the catholic church). During the first two thirds of the XIXth century Lyons had known a strong revival of Catholicism which manifested itself by the creation of dynamic charitable organizations. The town then had to face a sudden increase of anticlericalism. The confrontation between two groups that were politically opposed – let us name them “clerical” and “anticlerical” – sparked crisis after crisis, followed by lulls and reconstructions, all these being sometimes different from what was happening at the national level, due to the particular characteristics of the town. In concrete terms not all that had gathered under the banner of anti-clericalism held the same opinion about the struggle: the workers in the district of La Guillotière did not hold the same grievances against the clergy as the radicals in the “rue de Grôlée committee”. Yet, although anticlericalism can be easily defined, clericalism proves more difficult to apprehend: in the first place it depends on the perception the others, and more specifically those who support the anticlerical faction, have of us. Catholicism then tends to see itself as a besieged fortress and the different manoeuvres set up to defend its religion, the numerous attacks against the clergy, even against religion from men in power are, in Lyons, quite in keeping with a long succession of struggles, insurrections and suppressions of which each side claims -or does not claim- the ideological posterity.

Pendant cinquante ans, de 1833 à 1883, Juliette Drouet écrivit environ vingt-deux mille lettres à Victor Hugo. Le corpus étudié, composé de 653 lettres plus une enveloppe, propose la lecture continue des lettres, transcrites et annotées. Il s’inscrit dans un projet de l’édition intégrale de cette correspondance, dont Florence Naugrette, Professeur à l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, est la directrice. Ces lettres ont un triple intérêt : biographique, historique et littéraire. Juliette Drouet décrit la nouvelle vie de famille de Victor Hugo qui a décidé de réunir ses petits-enfants, sa belle-fille ainsi que Juliette Drouet, dans le même immeuble du 21 de la rue de Clichy, à des étages différents. Ce déménagement est annoncé dès le début de l’année 1874 et occupe nombre de lettres, tout comme l’aménagement du second étage où habite Juliette Drouet et où Victor Hugo travaille et reçoit ses invités lors de ses dîners et ses soirées. De plus, ces lettres sont un témoignage de la vie quotidienne d’une maîtresse de maison à la fin du XIXe siècle, et de ses domestiques. Elles évoquent aussi la proximité avec les animaux, l’usage des médicaments et donnent des renseignements précieux sur les relations entre les malades, la santé et la médecine. Leur intérêt littéraire se révèle dans les comptes rendus de l’accueil de Quatre-vingt-treizième et des lectures du Rappel, en plus du genre hybride de journal épistolaire que ces lettres possèdent. Beaucoup plus que la maîtresse, Juliette Drouet apparaît comme l’épouse de Victor Hugo. Il légitime cette relation par les cinq lettres qu’il lui écrit chaque année et montre que Juliette Drouet est bien la pierre angulaire de son existence. / For fifty years, from 1833 to 1883, Juliette Drouet wrote about twenty-two thousand letters to Victor Hugo. The corpus studied, 653 letters more one envelope, offers the continuous reading of the letters, transcribed and annotated. It is part of a project of the complete edition of this correspondence, which Florence Naugrette, Professor at the University Paris-Sorbonne, is the Director. These letters have a triple interest : biographical, historical and literary. Juliette Drouet describes new family life of Victor Hugo who decided to meet her grandchildren, daughter-in-law and Juliette Drouet, different floors in the same building of the 21 street of Clichy. This move is announced early in the year 1874 and occupies number of letters, just as the development of the second floor where lives of Juliette Drouet and where Victor Hugo works and receives his guests at his dinner and his evenings. Moreover, these letters are a testimony of the daily life of a housewife at the end of the 19th century, and her servants. They also evoke the proximity with animals, the use of drugs and give valuable information on the relationships between patients, health and medicine. Their literary interest is revealed in the reviews of Quatrevingt-Treize and the readings of Le Rappel, in addition to the hybrid kind of epistolary diary that these letters have. Victor Hugo legitimate this relationship with the five letters that he write her every year and shows that Juliette Drouet is the cornerstone of his existence.

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