This dissertation explores the influence of late eighteenth-century British imperial and global paradigms of thought on the formation of British policy and strategy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. It argues that British imperial interests exerted a consistent influence on British strategic decision making through the personal advocacy of political leaders, institutional memory within the British government, and in the form of a traditional strain of a widely-embraced British imperial-maritime ideology that became more vehement as the conflict progressed. The work can be broken into two basic sections. The first section focuses on the formation of strategy within the British government of William Pitt the Younger during the French Revolutionary Wars from the declaration of war in February 1793 until early 1801. During this phase of the Anglo-French conflict, British ministers struggled to come to terms with the nature of the threat posed by revolutionary ideology in France, and lacked strategic consistency due to acute cabinet-level debates over continental versus imperial strategies. The latter half of the work assesses Britain’s response to the challenges presented by Napoleonic France. Beginning with the debates surrounding Anglo-French peace negotiations in late 1801, the British increasingly came to define Napoleonic France as a regime harboring imperial aspirations that represented an explicit threat to British imperial interests. By defining the Napoleonic regime as an aspirational imperial power, British opponents of the Peace of Amiens provided the intellectual framework for the hegemonic struggle between land and sea powers that would define the Anglo-French struggle until its conclusion in June 1815. While Britain ultimately proved successful in defeating France in Europe, the expanse of the conflict also exposed the strengths and weaknesses of British force projection outside of Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth century. / History

A significant number of Pennsylvanians were not, in any meaningful sense, either revolutionaries or loyalists during the American War for Independence. Rather, they were disaffected from both sides in the imperial dispute, preferring, when possible, to avoid engagement with the Revolution altogether. The British Occupation of Philadelphia in 1777 and 1778 laid bare the extent of this popular disengagement and disinterest, as well as the dire lengths to which the Patriots would go to maintain the appearance of popular unity. Driven by a republican ideology that relied on popular consent in order to legitimate their new governments, American Patriots grew increasingly hostile, intolerant, and coercive toward those who refused to express their support for independence. By eliminating the revolutionaries' monopoly on military force in the region, the occupation triggered a crisis for the Patriots as they saw popular support evaporate. The result was a vicious cycle of increasing alienation as the revolutionaries embraced ever more brutal measures in attempts to secure the political acquiescence and material assistance of an increasingly disaffected population. The British withdrawal in 1778, by abandoning the region's few true loyalists and leaving many convinced that American Independence was now inevitable, shattered what little loyalism remained in the region and left the revolutionaries secure in their control of the state. In time, this allowed them to take a more lenient view of disaffection and move toward modern interpretations of silence as acquiescence and consent for the established government. / History

yes / The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps or IRGC is a multilayered political, ideological, and security institution that has steadily acquired an increasing role in Iran’s economy in recent years. This paper analyses the increasing economic and business involvement of the IRGC in the broader context of Iranian state-society relations in general, and its civil-military dynamics in particular. More specifically, we look at the political and socio-economic processes within which the IRGC operates at the interrelated levels of the state and society. This analysis sets out the framework based on which we examine the IRGC’s increasing power in the course of its engagements and various conflicts in both political and societal arenas, and in particular its economic expansion under Ahmadinejad’s presidency. This paper concludes by discussing the implications of the IRGC’s rise on the economic policy of the new government under President Rouhani. / The full text is unavailable in the repository due to copyright restrictions.

During the Revolutionary War, many key Patriot leaders believed that militia were untrustworthy and useless in battle. After the American victory, many of the same men proclaimed their support for the militia as the foundation of the new nation's defense. The debate on the efficacy of Patriot militia continues into modern scholarship; some historians credit the militia with an important strategic role in the war, while others consider them a mere footnote in a conflict that was truly won by the Continental Army. This series of case studies examines four American expeditionary militia units to assess their level of military competence and professionalism. The results show that militia units were far from amateur, and many conducted their operations in a professional military manner. This supports a conclusion that militia both contributed to the American victory and remained a practical means of defense for the young nation.

This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.

Esta pesquisa pretende apontar a presença e a representação de elementos revolucionários nas estruturas formais das Four Black Revolutionary Plays: All Praises to the black man (Quatro Peças Revolucionárias Negras: Todos os louvores ao homem negro). Peças escritas pelo dramaturgo negro Amiri Baraka que, sobretudo nos anos sessenta, se colocou contra o establishment e produziu uma dramaturgia que pregava a valorização da cultura negra, o engajamento político e a rebeldia contra os valores do status quo branco e de parte da classe média negra norte-americana. Nossas hipóteses, aqui apresentadas, são de que a obra baraqueana é processual porque não se finda em um único período ou obra, mas guia-se por uma necessidade de mudança contínua em face dos acontecimentos históricos e sociais que o dramaturgo vivencia enquanto escreve suas peças e porque busca reescrever uma nova história e mitologia negra. Desta forma, ao procurar valorizar a negritude e os outros valores apregoados pelo movimento Black Power e pelo nacionalismo negro, Baraka desenvolve uma dramaturgia contundente que tenta abarcar as demandas da comunidade negra e que a instigue a agir coletivamente. / This paper intends to spot the presence and representation of the revolutionary elements within the formal structures of the Four Black Revolutionary Plays: All Praises to the black man. These are the plays by the black playwright Amiri Baraka who, especially in the sixties, fought against the establishment by means of plays that extolled the appreciation of the black culture, the political engagement and the defiance of the white mens status quo and also a portion of the American black middle class. Our theses provided herein say Barakas work has an ever-evolving nature as its not restricted to a single time or work; rather, it is driven by the need for the continuous change due to the social and historic events the playwright experienced at the time he wrote his plays, also seeking to rewrite a new black history and mythology. Accordingly Baraka creates groundbreaking plays intended to consider and review the black communitys condition and make it act collectively in response.

Esta pesquisa pretende apontar a presença e a representação de elementos revolucionários nas estruturas formais das Four Black Revolutionary Plays: All Praises to the black man (Quatro Peças Revolucionárias Negras: Todos os louvores ao homem negro). Peças escritas pelo dramaturgo negro Amiri Baraka que, sobretudo nos anos sessenta, se colocou contra o establishment e produziu uma dramaturgia que pregava a valorização da cultura negra, o engajamento político e a rebeldia contra os valores do status quo branco e de parte da classe média negra norte-americana. Nossas hipóteses, aqui apresentadas, são de que a obra baraqueana é processual porque não se finda em um único período ou obra, mas guia-se por uma necessidade de mudança contínua em face dos acontecimentos históricos e sociais que o dramaturgo vivencia enquanto escreve suas peças e porque busca reescrever uma nova história e mitologia negra. Desta forma, ao procurar valorizar a negritude e os outros valores apregoados pelo movimento Black Power e pelo nacionalismo negro, Baraka desenvolve uma dramaturgia contundente que tenta abarcar as demandas da comunidade negra e que a instigue a agir coletivamente. / This paper intends to spot the presence and representation of the revolutionary elements within the formal structures of the Four Black Revolutionary Plays: All Praises to the black man. These are the plays by the black playwright Amiri Baraka who, especially in the sixties, fought against the establishment by means of plays that extolled the appreciation of the black culture, the political engagement and the defiance of the white mens status quo and also a portion of the American black middle class. Our theses provided herein say Barakas work has an ever-evolving nature as its not restricted to a single time or work; rather, it is driven by the need for the continuous change due to the social and historic events the playwright experienced at the time he wrote his plays, also seeking to rewrite a new black history and mythology. Accordingly Baraka creates groundbreaking plays intended to consider and review the black communitys condition and make it act collectively in response.

Cette thèse est une étude du mouvement Cobra à travers les œuvres collectives, une de ses composantes caractéristiques. Il s’agit tout d’abord de comprendre le mouvement, ses origines et influences, ainsi que sa visée d’un art libre, ouvert, expérimental, partie prenante de la vie. Dans un contexte social d’après-guerre, souvent politisé, Cobra défend l’action collective, définie notamment dans les notions d’antispécialisme et d’interspécialisme. Il convient de mettre en exergue les origines de cette pratique, et saisir les divers aspects qu’elle arbore, notamment au travers de revues, d’expositions ou de créations partagées. Le poète Christian Dotremont, animateur et âme de Cobra, favorise le travail de collaboration et contribue à son développement en stimulant les rencontres artistiques. Il se fait le passeur et le permanent « agitateur » de cette notion. Les peintures-mots qu’il crée avec d’autres artistes participent à sa réflexion majeure sur l’écriture et la peinture. Ce lien interpelle quelques artistes belges comme Pierre Alechinsky, mais il passionne Christian Dotremont qui ne cesse de multiplier les expériences à ce propos, pour aboutir à ce qu’il nomme les logogrammes, remarquable fusion de la peinture et de la poésie, et aboutissement de toute une vie de recherche. Ce travail est structuré en trois points. Le premier établit une étude du contexte artistique et social des années précédent Cobra puis la mise en place du groupe. Le second aborde les années d’intense activité « officielle » du groupe, au service du collectif. Enfin, le troisième propose de suivre l’évolution post-Cobra des œuvres collectives et des recherches sur l’écriture et la peinture. / This thesis is a study of the Cobra movement through one of its characteristic components: the collective works. First of all it's about understanding the movement, its origins (three countries), its influences and its purpose of a free art, open, experimental, involvement with life. In a social after-war context, often politicized, Cobra defends collective action, notably defined in concepts of anti-specialism and inter-specialism. We should therefore underline the origins of this practice and undestand different aspects that it shows, in particular through publications, exhibitions or shared creations. The poet Christian Dotremont, leader and soul of Cobra, promotes cooperative work by collaboration and contributes to its development by stimulating artistic meetings. He is the purveyor and permanent "agitator" of this concept. The words-paintings that he creates with other artists, take part of his major thinking about writing and painting. This link interpellates a few Belgian artists like Pierre Alechinsky, but it fascinates Christian Dotremont who keeps experimenting on it, in order to reach what he calls the logograms, a remarkable fusion of painting and poetry, and a culmination of a life-time of research.This work is structured in three parts. The first one draws a study of the artistic and social context of the years preceding Cobra and the setting up of the group. The second one talks about years of intense "official" activity of the group serving collective way of work. Finally, the third one offers to follow the post-Cobra evolution of collective works and researches about writing and painting.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo propor aproximações entre os autores Agostinho Neto (angolano) e Solano Trindade (brasileiro). Realizamos as comparações entre ambos considerando semelhanças literárias e políticas em seus percursos. Ao longo de suas vidas os dois poetas dedicaram-se à literatura e também a causas sociais e raciais. A pesquisa centra-se na análise comparativa entre os textos de Sagrada esperança (1985) de Neto e Cantares ao meu povo (1969) de Trindade. Para embasar nossa pesquisa teremos como foco de comparação pressupostos da Négritude enquanto temática e sua ligação com o romantismo revolucionário e/ou utópico, nas sendas dos estudos levados a efeito por Michael Löwy e Robert Sayre. Ao articularmos suas convergências, acreditamos ser possível constatar que há sobrevivências românticas que se fazem vivas na Negritude, às quais podem ser verificadas nas obras eleitas para a presente pesquisa. O romantismo é aqui pensado como visão de mundo, logo, livre de suas amarras temporais. Ao, visualizarmos ecos deste romantismo presentes na Négritude acreditamos ser possível verificar em que medida as obras de Agostinho Neto e Solano Trindade, pertencem a uma forma de poesia, em que há uma preocupação dos poetas em instigar, pelo verso, a prática revolucionária capaz de gerar transformações. / This research has the aim of proposing approaches between the authors Agostinho Neto (Angolan) and Solano Trindade (Brazilian). Literary and political similarities during their life spans were considered while comparisons were being made. Both poets dedicated themselves to literature and, also, to social and political causes during their lives. The research focuses on the comparative analysis between the texts Sagrada Esperança (1985), from Neto, and Trindade\'s Cantares ao meu povo (1961). We are going to adopt the Négritude as a theme and its relation with revolutionary and/or utopian romantism as a focus of comparison in order to found our research, having the studies performed by Michael Löwy and Robert Sayre as a guide. By working the texts\' convergence out, we believe it is possible to notice that there are romantic survivals that are highlighted by the Black Movement, what can be verified in the works selected to this research. Romantism is faced as a \"vision about the world\", so it is free from tieds of time. While vizualizing that echoes from this romantism take part in Négritude, we believe it is possible to verify that the works from Agostinho Neto and Solano Trindade belong to a type of poetry in which the authors, from their verses, are concerned about provoking the revolutionary action that is able to generate tranformations.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-04-27T17:54:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013 - Lucr?cia de Mascarenhas Batista.pdf: 512428 bytes, checksum: 2e16fcd0fec935501ab5399e313e6468 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-27T17:54:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013 - Lucr?cia de Mascarenhas Batista.pdf: 512428 bytes, checksum: 2e16fcd0fec935501ab5399e313e6468 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-22 / CAPES / This work intents to discuss the relationship between the left-wing sets and the opposition regarding the historical experience of h ?Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n? as well as the relationship with de Cuban revolutionary government between 1988 and 2002. / Este trabalho objetiva discutir a rela??o entre as esquerdas e as suas oposi??es tendo por base a experi?ncia hist?rica do Movimiento Cristiano de Liberaci?n e o relacionamento estabelecido com o governo revolucion?rio em Cuba no per?odo de 1988-2002.