Cette étude traite de l’articulation en cinéma de la ressource lyrique et de l’approche politique du réel. Pour aborder sous un angle plus spécifique la question du « cinéma de poésie », elle propose une relecture de la théorisation littéraire du lyrisme, dans la perspective d’une critique de la polarisation autour de la notion de subjectivité. À partir d’une étude des imbrications entre poétique et enjeux politiques chez Hölderlin, Rimbaud et les surréalistes, elle propose la notion de « lyrisme objectif » pour questionner la façon dont les films peuvent s’émanciper du modèle discursif utilisé par le cinéma militant, tout en tentant de proposer une pensée critique du politique à partir de leurs formes sensibles. À travers l’analyse d’un corpus de films de Marguerite Duras, Philippe Garrel et Jean-Luc Godard, réalisés dans l’après-1968 à un moment de reflux des luttes, nous montrons comment leurs héritages poétiques influencent la figuration du politique, à partir d’un geste commun de mise en retrait de la narration au profit d’une logique de sensation. Nous proposons ainsi de voir comment chez Marguerite Duras, à partir d’une pensée radicale de la négativité, la mobilisation d’une parole lyrique prend en charge un enjeu de subjectivation politique. Par ailleurs, si la résurgence d’un héritage romantique et du versant hermétique du surréalisme chez Philippe Garrel reconduit une approche expérientielle du politique, la reprise de la théorie surréaliste de l’image comme rapport et des principes rimbaldiens de décentrement du sujet entraine chez Jean-Luc Godard une dialectisation du lyrisme, qui articule une positivité sensible à une critique objectivante. / This dissertation articulates the concept of lyricism and a political approach of the real in cinema. In order to study more specifically the issues of « poetry cinema », it proposes a reading of the literary theory of lyricism through a critique of the conceptual polarization of subjectivity. Starting with a study of the interdependence of poetics and politics in Hölderlin, Rimbaud and the Surrealists’ works, I put forward the notion of « objective lyricism » to understand how film can move away from the discursive paradigm of activism and forge a critical evaluation of political issues by way of their esthetics. By analyzing a number of films by Marguerite Duras, Philippe Garrel et Jean-Luc Godard, all made in the years just after 1968, when activism receded, I show how their formal legacies influenced the depiction of politics by withdrawing the narrative structure to the profit of a logic of sensation. Furthermore, I intend to demonstrate how in Marguerite Duras’ films political subjectivation is achieved by a lyrical voice rooted in a radical thinking of negativity. If the resurgence of a romantic legacy and of the cryptic side of surrealism in Philippe Garrel’s films lead to an experiential approach of politics, the re-actualization of the surrealist theory of the image-as-interaction and Rimbaud’s principles of the subject’s decentering push Jean-Luc Godard to a dialectization of lyricism, articulating a sensitive positivity to an objectifying critique.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A dialogic reading between Caio Fernando Abreu and Reinaldo Arenas based on the vitalist and enhanced dimension of their texts is presented here, aiming at articulating a state of uneasiness with the resistant nature that the sight of new existential and relational possibilities opens inside and outside the fictional space. To do so, transgressions as regard the content and form in Arenas and Abreu s fiction were sought - mainly by following the connections existing among the flexibility of Foucault s fold , the new division of the sensible engendered by the political dimension of art in accordance with Ranciere s conception, and the nomad impulse originated by the notion of war machine conceived by Deleuze and Guatarri. Along the trajectory, the revolutionary concept of becoming ; forged through and by the fictional corpus, overcame the dilemma among antagonistic positions presented by the inherent critical view of the selected works in relation to their context of production. By so doing, it was possible to bring to light a transforming way of feeling: one that may alter the existing forms of life and, ultimately, reinvent them. Through different aesthetic devices, the works of fiction studied deviate obstructing centers to allow a becoming to be forseen: unfinished and inoperative, yet, an embryo for a rare community to be thought of, and its alterity restored from its intrinsic expropriation. / Leitura dialógica estabelecida entre escritos de Caio Fernando Abreu e de Reinaldo Arenas que, pautada na dimensão vitalista potencializada em seus textos, visa articular a circulação do desassossego com o caráter resistente que o vislumbre de novas possibilidades existenciais e relacionais abre dentro e fora do espaço ficcional. Para tanto e apoiada, sobretudo, nas conexões entre a maleabilidade da dobra foucaultiana, a redivisão do sensível engendrada pela dimensão política da arte conforme concebe Rancière e o impulso nômade da noção de máquina de guerra deleuzo-guattariana buscou-se perscrutar transgressões, no que tange ao conteúdo e à forma, ativadas tanto na literatura areniana quanto na caiofernandiana. Com o percurso, delineou-se que o devir-revolucionário engendrado no (e pelo) corpus ficcional ultrapassava o embate entre posições antagônicas, visível na postura crítica das obras selecionadas em relação ao contexto de produção das mesmas, para suscitar uma transformação afetiva enquanto possível desclassificador de formas-de-vida que se mostram insuficientes, forçando, em consequência, à reinvenção. Por diferentes estratégias estéticas as ficções estudadas vazam focos obstrutores em um deslize que se estende a um reclamado por vir: inacabado e inoperante, gérmen de uma inusitada comunidade, cuja discussão devolve à alteridade sua intrínseca expropriação.

abstract: This project explores the histories of the Dutch Republic and the United States during the Age of Revolutions, using as a lens the life of Francis Adrian van der Kemp. Connections between the Netherlands and the United States have been understudied in histories of the Revolutionary Atlantic. Yet the nations' political and religious histories are entwined both thematically and practically. Van der Kemp's life makes it possible to examine republicanism and liberal religion anew, as they developed and changed during the era of Atlantic revolutions. The project draws on numerous archival collections that house van der Kemp's voluminous correspondence, political and religious writings, his autobiography, and the unpublished records of the Reformed Christian Church, now the Unitarian Church of Barneveld. With his activity in both countries, van der Kemp offers a unique perspective into the continued role of the Dutch in the development of the United States. The dissertation argues that the political divisions and incomplete religious freedom that frustrated van der Kemp in the Dutch Republic similarly manifested in America. Politically, the partisanship that became the hallmark of the early American republic echoed the experiences van der Kemp had during the Patriot Revolt. While parties would eventually stabilize radical politics, the collapse of the Dutch Republic in the Atlantic world and the divisiveness of American politics in those early decades, led van der Kemp to blunt his once radically democratic opinions. Heavily influenced by John Adams, he adopted a more conservative politics of balance that guaranteed religious and civil liberty regardless of governmental structure. In the realm of religion, van der Kemp discovered that American religious freedom reflected the same begrudging acceptance that constituted Dutch religious tolerance. Van der Kemp found that even in one of the most pluralistic states, New York, his belief in the unlimited liberty of conscience remained a dissenting opinion. The democracy and individualism celebrated in early American politics were controversial in religion, given the growing authority of denominations and hierarchical church institutions. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. History 2014

abstract: ABSTRACT Mexican Golden Age Cinema materialized the narratives of identity, unity and morality that became the obligated point of reference to understand social stability and mexicaness during the post-revolutionary period. Hence, film stars evolved into cultural icons that embodied the representation of patriarchal order as a synonym for nationalism. However, dissident depictions that challenged carefully tailored heteronormative roles were as much a part of the post-revolutionary reality as was the attempt to manufacture a utopic heterosexual family on screen, that functioned as a metaphor for national reunification under the law of the father/president of the Mexican Republic. Nonetheless, even when an distinguished member of the Mexican star system, Sara García´s queer performativity of her quintessential sainted mother and even more revered grandmother characters highlights fissures in the effort to naturalize sexual passivity and heterosexual motherhood as the core of Mexican women identity. Furthermore, García took advantage of her romanticized butch characters in order to revert lesbian invisibility in movies where she portrait roles that exemplified sapphic households. In most of García's films masculine presence became redundant, hence challenging male privilege. Not very far from her own reality, García's queer women of a certain age, involved in female marriages, contested the post-revolutionary discourse of stability and mexicaness even in the heteronormative realm of Golden Age Filmmaking. Regardless of her queerness, unlike any other transgressive figure, Sara García became a national icon in her time and her image continues to hold relevance in current Mexican popular culture. More than five decades after her death young generations are still familiar with her legacy and her image has evolved into the representation of the nostalgia for tradition and alleged "more simple" times. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Spanish 2014

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-06-13T13:17:52Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Renato Dias de Souza - 2017.pdf: 1511640 bytes, checksum: a7bcb489468a8f416766b4fcfa8dddbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-06-13T13:18:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Renato Dias de Souza - 2017.pdf: 1511640 bytes, checksum: a7bcb489468a8f416766b4fcfa8dddbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-13T13:18:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Renato Dias de Souza - 2017.pdf: 1511640 bytes, checksum: a7bcb489468a8f416766b4fcfa8dddbe (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-11 / In this work we have as object the representations of nationalism in the literary works of Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto. It was sought to apprehend them that we consider the relation between literature and society and the theoretical implications of this in what refers to Marxism and art. Still in view of the concrete social relations that involved the writer in the early twentieth century, we finally problematize the interpretations that attribute a defense of nationalism to the Bartian literary representations and their political conception.In this process, we consider fundamental the accumulated knowledge about the Sociology of Literature, in its limits and potentialities, in its different approaches. As well as the possible contributions of literary theory and discourse analysis. In the expectation that the practice of intellectuals and their representations will be better understood, especially those of Lima Barreto. Considering the burning questions that appeared in the Brazilian society of the early twentieth century, which implied the formation of the literary field in the country, and among other elements led this Carioca to the country of Bruzundangas. Identifying, in its revolutionary perspective, a republic characterized by the action of plutocrats, bourgeois and colonels; Of literary mandarins; Of a foreign policy of dependence and favoring of the ruling classes, and finally of an intense fetishism about the titles and the condition of "doctor".This path, we believe, enabled us to problematize the supposed nationalism of Lima Barreto and the various literary representations he had presented especially in Memories of the scribe Isaías Caminha and Sad end of Policarpo Quaresma. Among our main concerns we tried to answer to what extent an anarchist, like him, could be associated for so many years with a supposed nationalist project for Brazil. If so, what are the contradictions between his anarchism in its original manifestations, and the assimilation of a nationalist project by the literary in question? Was this a superficial critic of reality or a radical critic, even challenging the foundations of the society in which he lived? It was from these concerns that we come to join others, that we put ourselves in an investigative process about the barretianas representations of nationalism, of its engagement, with a view to identifying its real political connection. In the end, after going through these steps, we return to our main hypothesis and evaluate its pertinence. / Neste trabalho tivemos como objeto as representações do nacionalismo nas obras literárias de Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto. Foi procurando apreendê-las que consideramos a relação entre literatura e sociedade e as implicações teóricas dessa no que se refere ao marxismo e a arte. Tendo em vista ainda as relações sociais concretas que envolveram o literato no início do século XX, finalmente, problematizamos as interpretações que atribuem uma defesa do nacionalismo às representações literárias barretianas e a sua concepção política. Nesse processo, consideramos fundamental o conhecimento acumulado acerca da Sociologia da Literatura, em seus limites e potencialidades, em suas distintas abordagens. Assim como as possíveis contribuições da teoria literária e a análise do discurso. Na expectativa de que a prática dos intelectuais e suas representações sejam melhor apreendidas, em especial, as da lavra de Lima Barreto. Considerando as questões candentes que se apresentavam na sociedade brasileira do início do século XX, que 1 implicaram na formação do campo literário no país, e entre outros elementos levaram esse carioca ao país de Bruzundangas. Identificando, em sua perspectiva revolucionária, uma república caracterizada pela ação de plutocratas, burgueses e coronéis; de mandarins literários; de uma política externa de dependência e favorecimento das classes dominantes e, finalmente, de um intenso fetichismo quanto aos títulos e à condição de “doutor”. Esse caminho, acreditamos, nos possibilitou problematizarmos o suposto nacionalismo de Lima Barreto e as várias representações literárias que apresentara especialmente em Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha e Triste fim de Policarpo Quaresma. Entre nossas principais preocupações pretendíamos responder em que medida um anarquista, como ele, pudera ser associado durante tantos anos a um suposto projeto nacionalista para o Brasil. Se era de fato isso, quais são as contradições entre o seu anarquismo em suas manifestações originais, e a assimilação de um projeto nacionalista pelo literato em questão? Seria esse um crítico superficial da realidade ou um crítico radical, chegando a contestar os fundamentos da sociedade em que vivia? Foi a partir dessas preocupações, as quais veem se juntar outras, que nos colocamos em um processo investigativo acerca das representações barretianas do nacionalismo, do seu engajamento, tendo em vista identificarmos sua real vinculação política. Ao final, após percorrermos essas etapas, voltamos à nossa hipótese principal e avaliamos a sua pertinência.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo propor aproximações entre os autores Agostinho Neto (angolano) e Solano Trindade (brasileiro). Realizamos as comparações entre ambos considerando semelhanças literárias e políticas em seus percursos. Ao longo de suas vidas os dois poetas dedicaram-se à literatura e também a causas sociais e raciais. A pesquisa centra-se na análise comparativa entre os textos de Sagrada esperança (1985) de Neto e Cantares ao meu povo (1969) de Trindade. Para embasar nossa pesquisa teremos como foco de comparação pressupostos da Négritude enquanto temática e sua ligação com o romantismo revolucionário e/ou utópico, nas sendas dos estudos levados a efeito por Michael Löwy e Robert Sayre. Ao articularmos suas convergências, acreditamos ser possível constatar que há sobrevivências românticas que se fazem vivas na Negritude, às quais podem ser verificadas nas obras eleitas para a presente pesquisa. O romantismo é aqui pensado como visão de mundo, logo, livre de suas amarras temporais. Ao, visualizarmos ecos deste romantismo presentes na Négritude acreditamos ser possível verificar em que medida as obras de Agostinho Neto e Solano Trindade, pertencem a uma forma de poesia, em que há uma preocupação dos poetas em instigar, pelo verso, a prática revolucionária capaz de gerar transformações. / This research has the aim of proposing approaches between the authors Agostinho Neto (Angolan) and Solano Trindade (Brazilian). Literary and political similarities during their life spans were considered while comparisons were being made. Both poets dedicated themselves to literature and, also, to social and political causes during their lives. The research focuses on the comparative analysis between the texts Sagrada Esperança (1985), from Neto, and Trindade\'s Cantares ao meu povo (1961). We are going to adopt the Négritude as a theme and its relation with revolutionary and/or utopian romantism as a focus of comparison in order to found our research, having the studies performed by Michael Löwy and Robert Sayre as a guide. By working the texts\' convergence out, we believe it is possible to notice that there are romantic survivals that are highlighted by the Black Movement, what can be verified in the works selected to this research. Romantism is faced as a \"vision about the world\", so it is free from tieds of time. While vizualizing that echoes from this romantism take part in Négritude, we believe it is possible to verify that the works from Agostinho Neto and Solano Trindade belong to a type of poetry in which the authors, from their verses, are concerned about provoking the revolutionary action that is able to generate tranformations.

A close study of neorealist theory, indicates that revolutionary movements can produce some effects, that can have severe power political repercussions. Yet there is very little written in the neorealist corpus, about revolutions and revolutionary movements. The aim of this research was to investigate if these effects could contribute to our explanation, of the power political strategies employed by revolutionary movements. In order to fulfill the aim, a theory consuming case study was conducted. The method employed was a qualitative textual analysis, of a strategic text from Al-Qaeda. The result of the study showed that anticipated power political effects of a social revolution, were discounted for in the strategy. And the expected effects of a conflict between a revolutionary movement and a stable State, did appear in strategy. However the strategists calculations about revolutionary contagnation and the vulnerabilities of fragile States, did not match the theoretical expectations. Perceived foreign domination and perceived fragile State structures, effected the calculations in an unexpected way. Thus the results indicate that the employed analytic framework need further refinement.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-04T17:00:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-01-25T16:02:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-25T16:02:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / A proposta desta dissertação é contribuir para a militância político-partidária que se dedica à construção de uma sociedade sem classes. Numa conjuntura que acumula desgastes às organizações políticas, como sindicatos e partidos políticos, buscamos nas acepções de Lukács elementos sobre a política, ideologia e ―momento ideal‖. Por esse viés, estudamos o marxismo clássico para adentrar na complexa discussão sobre o partido revolucionário, principal meio de universalização das lutas sociais. Com essa base teórica construída, nos voltamos ao movimento da realidade, em especial às manifestações que explodiram no Brasil em junho de 2013. Recuperando elementos objetivos e subjetivos desse ascenso, tentamos minimamente contribuir para o debate sobre a alteração ou não no momento ideal partidário, escolhendo, no caso, o Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado (PSTU). Não temos a pretensão de afirmar que foi possível compreender o momento ideal do PSTU, pois para isso seria necessário um estudo muito mais amplo, mas nosso esforço foi no sentido de entender, pela ótica de um partido político de esquerda ativo nas principais lutas sociais do país, seus limites e possibilidades a partir do movimento da realidade. / The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to political party activists dedicated to the construction of a classless society. In an environment that accumulates wear political organizations such as trade unions and political parties, seek the meanings of Lukács elements of politics, ideology and "ideal time". By this bias, we studied classical Marxism to enter the complex discussion of the revolutionary party, the main means of universal social struggles. With this built theoretical basis, we turn to the movement of reality, especially the demonstrations that erupted in Brazil in June 2013. Recovering objective and subjective elements of this rise, try to minimally contribute to the debate on the amendment or not in ideal party time choosing, in this case, the Unified Socialist Party of Workers (PSTU). We do not pretend to say that it was possible to understand the ideal time of the PSTU, for therefore a much larger study would be needed, but our effort was in order to understand, from the perspective of a political party active in the left main social struggles of country, its limits and possibilities from the reality

Following thesis deals with issue of trade union recreations held by Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) in Czechoslovakia between 1945 - 1989. Theoretical roots of this work are the concept of leisure time, Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) and trade union recreations, including all their types (selective inland and outland recreations, corporate recreations, Pioneer Organization's summer camps). The thesis gets its findings on the one hand from archive sources as well as from interviews with witnesses, on the other hand from studying of secondary literature. The thesis describes differences between particular types of recreations and presents their alterations throughout history. In the same time, it relates the issue of trade union recreations to the concept of leisure time as a condition for a formation of trade union recreations. It also deals with the role of Trade Union Movement (ROH) in organisation of recreations itself. The goal of the thesis is to process fundamental trends, tendencies and changes of union recreations and their typology.

The impact of Enlightenment rhetoric on Revolutionary conceptions of gender has been a topic of historiographical debate. This thesis examines how Scottish Enlightenment stadial views of progress influenced early American female education discourse. Within this framework, upper middle-class white women transitioned from “slaves” to reasonable companions through the performance of feminine domesticity. Women who conformed to the prescriptions of Scottish moralists represented Anglo-American ideals of civility and refinement which served as a justification for the enslavement and dispossession of African and Indigenous peoples. Examining opinion pieces, advertisements for schools, academy addresses, and runaway slave advertisements reveals how early Americans participated in the simultaneous construction of race and gender. Beginning in the colonial era, editorialists deployed rhetoric from James Fordyce’s Sermons to Young Women (1766) to argue that upper-class white women were capable of reason and thus deserving of educational opportunities. Pre-revolutionary rationales persisted into the post-revolutionary era. This suggests that increased educational opportunities were not contingent on the Revolution. In the 1780s, editorialists deployed lines of reasoning from John Greogory’s A Father’s Legacy to his Daughters (1774), to broaden the construct of reasonable companionship. They argued that upper middle-class white women influenced men’s manners and made society more virtuous. This conception gave women an informal public role as moral arbiters. In the 1790s, women’s rights rhetoric challenged but did not refute the ideological construct of reasonable companionship. Taking a critical race approach to studying Revolutionary women’s access to educational opportunities reveals how dominant discourses upheld the racial hierarchy. / Graduate / 2023-08-24