Encadré par la théorie et la méthodologie de la sémiologie des indices proposée par Anne-Marie Houdebine, ce travail analyse les relations homme/femme, sous le coup de la censure, dans le cinéma iranien postrévolutionnaire. L’analyse systémique permet de dégager d’abord les strates iconique, scénique, sonore et technique à l’intérieur du corpus des scènes de films. Ensuite, il met en évidence des éléments explicités qui montrent qu’au plan formel existe un certain nombre de récurrences dans toutes les scènes analysées quel que soit le film travaillé. Au plan de l’expression, une grammaire formelle de la relation homme/femme dans le cinéma iranien a été dégagée. Au plan du contenu, des illusions de proximité et de rapprochement, des déclarations d’amour, des propositions sexuelles, de l’érotisme ainsi que des relations amoureuses et sexuelles surgissent à travers différentes configurations syntagmatiques des indices tels que le regard, le geste avorté, la scène de retour, l’enfant, l’objet symbolique, l’extérieur, l’intérieur, la voiture, la cour, le hors champ, la transition et la musique. En construisant son espace comme l’architecture iranienne traditionnelle entre l’externe (espace réservé aux invités et aux étrangers à la famille) et l’interne (espace privé) mais également en s’emparant des figures de styles à l’instar de la poésie iranienne classique, le cinéma iranien parle pudiquement de l’amour et créé ainsi sa propre iranité concernant les relations homme/femme. / Using Anne-Marie Houdebine’s theory and methodology of semiology of indices, this work analyses the relationships between man and woman in the censured post-revolution Iranian cinema. The systemic analysis highlights the iconic, scenic, auditory and technical stratums within the movie scenes. It also shows explicit elements, which reveals the existence of a certain amount of repetitions on a formal scale in any analyzed film. We can see there is a formal grammar respected when it comes to the expression of man and woman relationships in Iranian cinema. Illusions of closeness, love declarations, sexual propositions, erotism, love and sexual relationships are suggested through various phrasal configurations of the indices, such as glances, abortive gestures, turn around scenes, images of the child, symbolic objects, outside and inside, car, courtyard, off screens, direct transitions and music. Iranian cinema chastely explores love, expressing its own Iranianity regarding relationships between man and woman, by constructing space in the way that traditional Iranian architecture does (external space for guests and internal for family and privacy), but also by using stylistic devices, as in classical Iranian poetry.

Notre thèse porte sur la question carcérale et la gauche révolutionnaire en Italie dans les années 1970 et 1980.La question carcérale devient centrale, en Italie, à partir des années 1970 : ce sont des années de révolte et de revendications de masse, mais aussi la période des mouvements de lutte armée. À ce moment-là, l'État se retrouve confronté à un double problème : d'une part, celui de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, avec des prisons vétustes et des règlements archaïques hérités de la période fasciste, et d'autre part la montée en puissance des mouvements extra-parlementaires et de la lutte armée, qui ne cessent d'augmenter la population carcérale.Cette étude vise à analyser le rôle joué par le système carcéral pendant cette période de crise pour la jeune République italienne, et ceci selon plusieurs points de vue. Nous analysons, d'une part, le mouvement revendicatif des détenus de droit commun, qui se politisent au contact des jeunes extra-parlementaires arrêtés après leurs manifestations. D'autre part, nous étudions la montée en flèche de la violence révolutionnaire qui s'oppose à un État qui, de son côté, accroît l'intensité de la répression et met en place des mesures d'urgence pour contrer la dissidence. Cette confrontation donne naissance à une période particulièrement violente, où la prison fini par assumer une fonction de gestion du conflit politique.À travers la description d'un corpus très varié (articles de journaux, tracts, documents théoriques, documents militants de revendication, archives ministérielles, archives de l'administration pénitentiaire) mais aussi des textes historiographiques et des témoignages directs, cette étude pose la question plus générale du rôle central de l'univers carcéral, comme une véritable clé de lecture sociopolitique des années 70 et 80 italiennes. / Our thesis focuses on the prison issue and the revolutionary Left in Italy during the 1970s and 1980s.The prison question becomes central in Italy from the 1970s: these are the years of revolt and mass claims, but also the period of the armed struggle. At that time, the State faces a double problem: first, the necessary reform of the prison system, with prisons in dilapidated state and archaic regulations inherited from the fascist period ; and secondly the rise of extra-parliamentary movements and armed struggle, which are both increasing the prison population.This study aims at analyzing the part played by the prison system during this crisis period in the young Italian Republic, according to several points of view. We analyze, on the one hand, the protest movement of the common criminals who politicize themselves in contact with the young extra-parliamentary people arrested after their demonstrations. On the other hand, we study the soaring revolutionary violence that opposes the State which, in turn, increases the intensity of repression and sets up emergency measures to counter dissidence. This confrontation gives rise to a particularly violent period in which the prison finally takes up a role of political conflict management.Through the description of a varied corpus (newspaper articles, pamphlets, theoretical documents, activists claim, ministerial archives, archives of the prison administration) as well as historical texts and eyewitness accounts, this study raises the more general question of the prison system as a central key to sociopolitical reading of the Italian Seventies and Eighties.

In 1767, Mme Benoist published an epistolary libertine novel entitled Lettres du Colonel Talbert. Although she has received little critical attention to date, she was a prolific author who appeared with great regularity at minor literary salons. Her presence at these salons is well-established in personal memoirs and correspondences, and actively remarked upon by other authors—men and women—of the period, including Mme Roland and Choderlos de Laclos. Mme Benoist’s preferred genre was the novel with its explicit blend of high and low literary cultures, its melding of the philosophical and the sentimental, its pursuit of formal innovation, and its deliberate marketing in multiple formats and for multiple audiences, including publication through the mainstream book market, and serial publication in revues and journals with a large female readership, such as the Journal des Dames. This study focuses on Lettres du Colonel Talbert (1767) as both a paradigmatic and privileged text inside Mme Benoist’s larger corpus, and one which explicitly engages many of the most pressing moral and philosophical debates of the period, including the legal status of women. To do so, Mme Benoist appropriates the libertine novel as specific novelistic subtype. In Les Lettres du Colonel Talbert, Mme Benoist parodies the libertine novel and in doing so, converts the libertine textual economy to one in which well-established narrative codes of femininity and masculinity are inverted. Although her depiction of the heroine, Hélène—an exceptional and courageous young woman who resists the predatory advances of a man through sheer strength of moral character—is not in itself unusual, Mme Benoist’s choice to frame her heroine’s moral struggle in a narrative epistolary exchange between two diametrically opposed male “types” in enlightenment thought—the libertine and the honnête homme— Mme Benoist effectively subverts masculine textual dynamics at the level of plot and character. More importantly, she also subverts the libertine novel’s traditional identification with masculine authorship. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Esta tese analisa as representações estéticas e ideológicas na prática do documentário no Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano (NCL) a partir dos discursos dos cineastas Geraldo Sarno (Brasil), Raymundo Gleyzer (Argentina) e Santiago Álvarez (Cuba), entre os anos de 1964 e 1974. Para isso, estabelecemos paralelos entre a prática das realizações destes cineastas e os ideais e posições teóricas defendidos nos manifestos cinematográficos produzidos nestes países; bem como examinamos as vozes da produção discursiva que, neste período, enunciavam o cinema como instrumento de transformação social na América Latina. Além disso, investigou-se o processo de produção (da filmagem à exibição), elemento-chave para se entender o cinema social, militante e revolucionário dessa época, já que estes cineastas atuavam via de regra fora do circuito comercial de exibição. Por fim, indagamos em que medida o documentário se constituiu enquanto narrativa histórica. Em suma, a pesquisa almejou aprofundar os estudos sobre a produção documental no Nuevo Cine Latinoamericano, buscando interações entre teoria e prática, cinema e história e os significados dessas produções documentais para esse momento histórico, político e cultural da América Latina. / This tesis analyzes the aesthetic and ideological representations in the practice of documentary in the New Latin American Cinema (NCL) from the speeches Raymundo Gleyzer (Argentina), Geraldo Sarno (Brazil) and Santiago Álvarez (Cuba), between the years 1964 and 1974. For this, we established parallels between the practice of the achievements of these filmmakers and theoretical positions espoused in manifestos film produced in these countries, as well as examined the voices of discursive production, which, in this period, enunciated the cinema as a tool of social transformation in Latin America. Furthermore, we investigated the process of production (filming to distribution), a key element for understanding the political cinema of that time, as these filmmakers acted as a rule outside the commercial circuit display. Finally, we inquired how the documentary can be a historical narrative. In short, this research purposed to deepen the studies of the documentary in the New Latin American Cinema, seeking interactions between theory and practice, film and history and the meanings of these documentary productions for this moment in history, politics and culture in Latin America

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Araujo Brandao.pdf: 1615355 bytes, checksum: d996c355e9ede6a5d4e46b65725a59c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo central reconstituir a trajetória do poeta brasileiro Nilton Rosa da Silva, enfocando seu período como exilado político no Chile, entre 1971 e 1973. Em Santiago, Nilton da Silva estudou castelhano no Instituto Pedagógico da Universidade do Chile, publicou o livro de poesias Hombre América, e passou a militar na Frente de Estudiantes Revolucionarios (FER), um dos grupos estudantis do Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR). O jovem brasileiro seria morto aos 24 anos de idade, em junho de 1973 (três meses antes do golpe de Estado liderado por Augusto Pinochet), por membros da Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad, milícia de ultradireita que lutava pela derrubada do presidente Salvador Allende. Defendendo a revolução armada para colocar o Chile no caminho do socialismo, mesmo durante o governo democrático da Unidad Popular (UP), o MIR era visto com reservas por setores moderados da esquerda. Ao mesmo tempo, porém, a organização procurava – desde fora – radicalizar os partidos da UP. A partir da análise da vida de Nilton da Silva, e das repercussões da sua morte, é possível discutir as disputas entre as estratégias “rupturista” e “sistêmica” da esquerda chilena durante o governo Allende, as possibilidades de acordo que se desenharam entre esses setores, e as maneiras como o MIR procurou conquistar esferas mais amplas para sua retórica em favor da necessidade de pegar em armas. Os usos políticos do assassinato de Nilton da Silva estão relacionados a essa busca: através da análise das apropriações do episódio, apreende-se o uso imediato que o MIR fez de sua morte, tentando construir o jovem militante como um mártir revolucionário em um período de crescente temor frente a um golpe reacionário. Discute-se, ademais, a forma como a vida e a morte de Nilton da Silva seriam eventualmente ressignificada nas décadas seguintes, passando a incluí-lo em uma narrativa mais ampla, ao lado de outras vítimas das ditaduras brasileira e chilena. / This thesis aims to recreate the trajectory of the Brazilian poet Nilton Rosa da Silva, focusing on his time as a political exile in Chile, from 1971 to 1973. In Santiago, Silva studied Spanish at the Pedagogical Institute of the University of Chile, published his poetry book Hombre América, and became a member of the Revolutionary Students Front (FER), one of Revolutionary Left Movement’s (MIR) groups in the student movement. The young Brazilian was killed at the age of 24 in June 1973 (three months prior to the coup led by Augusto Pinochet), by members of the Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front, a far-right militia that fought to overthrow the president, Salvador Allende. Advocating the need of an armed revolution to place Chile in the path of Socialism, even during the Popular Unity’s (UP) democratic administration, MIR was seen with hesitations by the moderate left. At the same time, however, MIR sought to radicalize the UP parties. By analyzing Nilton da Silva’s life and the impact of his death, it is possible to discuss the disputes between the “rupturist” and “systemic” strategies of the Chilean left during the Allende administration, the chances of agreement between these sectors, and the ways in which MIR sought to conquer wider segments to its rhetoric in favor of the need to take up arms. The political uses of Nilton da Silva’s murder are related to this goal: by examining the appropriation of his death, we are able to see the immediate use that MIR did of this episode, trying to construct the young activist as a revolutionary martyr in a period of growing fear towards a reactionary coup. This work discusses, moreover, how the life and death of Nilton da Silva would eventually be re-signified in the following decades, now being included in a broader narrative, along with other victims of the Brazilian and Chilean dictatorships.

Dans le premier chapitre de notre thèse, nous présentons l’écrivain dans son temps. Ducray-Duminil a vécu et créé dans une époque qui se caractérisait par des changements constants du point de vue politique, littéraire, social etc. Son œuvre s’est développée et a connu un succès remarquable pendant toute cette période : depuis la fin de l’Ancien Régime, en passant par la Révolution et le régime napoléonien, jusqu’à la Restauration. L’accent est mis surtout à sa vie professionnelle et à ses diverses activités et champs d’intérêt (la littérature, le théâtre, la musique, la presse). La partie suivante de notre étude concerne la structure événementielle dans les romans de Ducray-Duminil. Ensuite, nous établissons une typologie de personnages qui apparaissent dans ses ouvrages. Puis, nous consacrons un chapitre au problème de la narration dans les romans de Ducray-Duminil. Nous analysons également plusieurs thèmes de réflexions narratives qui apparaissent avec une fréquence particulière dans plusieurs romans de notre romancier, notamment le merveilleux, la politique, la religion, le roman et les éléments didactiques. Dans la dernière partie de notre étude, nous analysons l’héritage littéraire de Ducray-Duminil, le phénomène qui dépasse considérablement l’univers de la langue française et les adaptations théâtrales de quelques romans de l’écrivain faites par René-Charles Guilbert de Pixérécourt. Nous mettons aussi en relief la possibilité d’influences mutuelles entre notre auteur et Ann Radcliffe. / The first chapter of the dissertation presents Ducray-Duminil in his times. He lived and created in a period characterized by constant changes from the political, literary, cultural and social points of views. The development and the extraordinary success of his work can be noticed during the whole of this epoch, from the end of the Ancien Régime, through the Revolution and the times of Napoleon, until the Restoration. This part of the dissertation places special emphasis on Ducray-Duminil’s professional life and his many activities and fields of interest (literature, theatre, music, journalism). The second part of the thesis concerns the plot structure in the analyzed novels. Afterwards, a typology of characters is suggested and duly presented. The next chapter deals with the problem of the narration in the works of Ducray-Duminil. Several topics regarding the narrative reflection, which frequently appear in our corpus of texts, such as the supernatural, the politics, the religion, the novel or various didactical factors, are also described in this section. The last part of the dissertation contains an analysis of Ducray-Duminil’s literary heritage, a phenomenon which goes far beyond the French-speaking sphere of interest. Finally, possible mutual influences between our writer and Ann Radcliffe are closely examined in this chapter.

In Is Spirituality an Intelligence? Motivation, Cognition, and the concern of Psychology of Ultimate Concern, Robert Emmons develops a case for spirituality as a form of intelligence. His thesis claims that spiritual intelligence is a “set of capacities and abilities that enable people to solve problems and attain goals in their everyday lives”: “the capacity for transcendence; the ability to enter into heightened spiritual states of consciousness; the ability to invest everyday activities, events, and relationships with a sense of the sacred; the ability to utilize spiritual resources to solve problems in living; and the capacity to engage in virtuous behavior. I use spiritual intelligence and these frameworks throughout to address these common themes within the Black community beginning in the Second Great Awakening. I use these five components to illuminate the rise of the revolutionary streams of Spiritual Intelligence within unique works of two Black activists: David Walker and Maria Stewart. I then contextualize these developments in the experiences of my family and my own experiences as a Black activist. I argue for the recognition of religious thinking and illustrate the structural embodiment of this form of spiritual intelligence through multiple generations of Black Activism. I argue that Spiritual Intelligence is one way this particular community fights adversity in greater America society. In valuing religion through understanding these actions of resistance black activism is realized in the larger epistemic landscape. Particularly arguing against the secularization of resistance and activism.