Tulsa, Oklahoma's historically African American neighborhood of Greenwood in North Tulsa has long been contested terrain. Built by black settlers beginning in the late nineteenth-century, the neighborhood evolved into a vibrant community challenged by waves of violence--segregation at statehood in 1907, the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, ongoing disinvestment, and processes of urban renewal beginning in the late 1950s--that contributed to the erosion of the neighborhood and the eventual displacement of many area residents into remote housing projects further into North Tulsa. These waves of violence were propelled by Oklahoma lawmakers, local Tulsa government officials, members of the Ku Klux Klan, and private white citizens who worked to expand the city's color line by controlling the placement and visibility of black people in Tulsa and gain ownership of Greenwood--as the neighborhood was, and is, located on desirable land. The people of Greenwood met these waves of violence with acts of resistance. They organized and lobbied against segregation at statehood, fought to save their community during the Tulsa Race Riot, and galvanized to rebuild almost immediately after. They maintained a culture of interdependence that contributed to strength in community and economy. Beginning in the late 1950s, they protested their displacement. However, by the late 1980s, the ravages of slum clearance and expressway building had rendered much of Greenwood unlivable and many residents had no choice but to relocate. The loss of historic place and increased distance between community members made it difficult to maintain their shared identity and culture of interdependence. Taken altogether, these four waves of violence functioned as tools to carry out the city of Tulsa's longstanding agenda of reclaiming the prime urban real estate of Greenwood while broadening the area of land that segregated black & white Tulsa. At the root existed white supremacy: the belief in the inherent superiority of the white race and its fundamental right to dominate society.

This thesis examines how the discursive construction of parenthood in the news media, during the Husby riots of 2013, was affected by social and economical class. News media contributes to shape our perception of reality, our norms and ideals, and what issues that is to be considered important. The family and the effect of child rearing as a process of shaping children into becoming political subjects has been of interest for political science during a long period of time. Previous research shows that social and economical class has a significant effect on norms, ideals and expectations regarding parenthood and child rearing. It is therefore important to study the representation of class in association to parenthood in the news media. Extraordinary events, such as the Husby riots, generate a vast amount of media attention and material. Also, the riots took place in a neighborhood with low socio-economic standard. I have therefore conducted a Foucauldian discourse analysis on a news material consisting of 46 articles and editorials from four of Sweden's biggest news papers: Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen and Svenska Dagbladet, in order to analyze how and which subject positions are established, which characteristics they are assigned and how the construction of parenthood is dependent on social and economical class.The results show that the most common subject positions consists of the police, working class youngsters participating in the riots, children as victims of the riots and working class parents. Language and education is given a prominent part in the discourse, both as an explanation to why the riots broke out in the first place and as a solution to how such social unrest can be avoided in the future. Social and economic class is not mentioned explicitly but is an important implicit discursive construction in the portrayal of parents and children. I therefore conclude that social class and language greatly affected the portrayal and representation of parenthood and child rearing during the Husby Riots of 2013.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Title from screen (viewed on February 1, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Marianne S. Wokeck, Jason M. Kelly, Anita J. Morgan. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-114).

隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In the 1830s, Indiana undertook an ambitious internal improvements program, building the state’s first railroad and multiple canals. To complete the projects, Indiana used Irish immigrant laborers. The Irish laborers developed a reputation for brawling amongst themselves, highlighted by a riot involving 600 laborers working on the Wabash and Erie Canal in 1835. Multiple volumes of Indiana history identify the Wabash and Erie riot as a one-time event inspired by Protestant and Catholic animosity imported from Ireland. A review of the historical record, however, contradicts these long-held assumptions. Inspired by Irish traditions of faction fighting and peasant secret societies, Irish immigrant laborers formed secret societies that used violence against competitors in hopes of securing access to internal improvement jobs for their own membership. The rival secret societies, the Corkonians and the Fardowns, organized based on their provincial origins in Ireland. Examples of Corkonian and Fardown violence occurred throughout the country. In Indiana, a pattern of Corkonian and Fardown conflict resulted in skirmishes on at least three different construction sites between 1835 and 1837. In contrast to the traditional narrative, the Corkonians and Fardowns were both pioneers of the first wave of large-scale Irish Catholic immigration whose rivalry centered on job protection and economic grievances.