It has been argued that marketing contributes to society by finding solutions to a diverse range of social issues. Importantly, research within the (social) marketing domain recognises that the concept of exchange is a fundamental aspect of influencing people to take on positive social issue behaviours (Andreasen, 1995; Rothschild, 1999). However, regardless of the influence of social marketing, ultimately the behavioural exchange resides with the individual. This infers that exchange can be considered from the individual’s (i.e., consumer’s) point of view, of intrapersonal or self-exchange (Gould, 1994). Furthermore, the conditions that facilitate or constrain this form of exchange are found within the individual – and relate to for example, individual differences. However, in recent years there has been limited interest in exchange theory within the marketing domain and, in particular, exchange as a fundamental consumer behaviour phenomenon (Anderson et al, 1999; Gould, 1994). This study seeks to extend current consumer behaviour and social marketing knowledge in the areas of exchange theory and personality. Based on an examination of the extant literature, a model of determinants and outcomes of Social Issue Exchange was developed and empirically tested. The Social Issue Exchange Model proposed in this study accounts for a number of associations which includes a representation of personality termed pro-social orientation along with social issue involvement, attitude toward social issues, subjective assessment of negative consequences and feelings. The determinants of social issue exchange included the multi-component variable pro-social orientation comprising the traits risk aversion, locus of control, consideration of future consequences, susceptibility to normative influence and social responsibility along with the variables social issue involvement and attitude towards social issues. The outcomes of social issue exchange include the variables of subjective assessment of negative consequences and feelings. The study adopted a quantitative methodology using an Internet administered questionnaire that allowed for the measurement of the determinants and outcomes of social issue exchange. The construction of the questionnaire followed a sequential process which involved developing new measures, utilising and adapting existing measures and then pre-testing these measures to ensure the development of a psychometrically sound and respondent-friendly survey instrument. The final survey used Excess Alcohol Consumption and Speeding social issues as stimuli for the study. Data collection resulted in 1146 (comprising 559 for Speeding social issue, and 587 for Excess Alcohol Consumption social issue) useable surveys for subsequent analysis. Analysis included a number of statistical procedures including correlation analysis, exploratory factor analysis, reliability analysis and tests of the model via Partial Least Squares (PLS) analysis. Overall, the findings provided support for the proposed Social Issue Exchange Model. In terms of the measurement model, the findings show that pro-social orientation accounted for different amounts of variance in the five traits, with consideration for further consequences accounting for the most variance and susceptibility to normative influence accounting for the least. In terms of the inner model, all the hypothesised paths were supported with the exception of attitude towards social issues and social issue exchange. A comparison of the smaller models (i.e., Speeding and Excess Alcohol Consumption) with the overall model indicated that largely the relationships were consistent, with the exception of social issue involvement and attitude towards social issues which was not supported in the Excess Alcohol Consumption model. The findings provide a number of theoretical and practical implications for research. From a theoretical perspective, broadening the concept of exchange to account for self-exchange in the context of social issue behaviours contributes to the body of knowledge on exchange. Moreover, aggregating traits to form the multi-component construct pro-social orientation takes a holistic approach to personality and thereby, provides greater clarification of the psychological processes that drive individuals to respond positively or negatively to social issues and associated behaviours. From a practical perspective, this study may lead to a better understanding of how personal characteristics can shape an individual’s response to social issues as well as their behaviours. In summary, the importance of understanding the processes that influence individuals’ social issue behaviours provides a justification for this study. Accordingly, this study offers valuable insights into how ‘exchange’ is an integral feature of individual behaviour change, as well as positive social change for society.

Este estudo objetiva apresentar contribuições para o aprofundamento do debate acerca da relação entre questão social e mídia no Brasil, articulando esta temática à discussão sobre as particularidades da formação social brasileira, com destaque para o conceito de revolução passiva no pensamento de Antonio Gramsci. A aproximação a este complexo campo de reflexão se dará, em seus aspectos gerais, pela articulação entre três grandes debates teóricos: a) o concernente à questão social, sobretudo a discussão realizada no interior do Serviço Social, pelo estudo de suas expressões e determinações fundantes, seu desenvolvimento histórico, as particularidades que assume na formação social brasileira e em tempos de hegemonia neoliberal; b) o denso debate sobre as particularidades do desenvolvimento histórico da formação social brasileira, tendo como fio condutor a noção de revolução burguesa, tal como desenvolvida por Florestan Fernandes. O diálogo com autores que trataram das especificidades do desenvolvimento capitalista e da instauração da ordem burguesa no Brasil, aporta não apenas elementos para se pensar na questão social no País, mas também, compreender a conexão entre a trajetória histórica da sociedade brasileira que, a nosso ver, é marcada por momentos de transição pelo alto (o que Gramsci chamou de revolução passiva) e a relevância e influência que a chamada grande mídia tem na sociedade brasileira atual; c) o debate teórico entorno do conceito de hegemonia no pensamento de Gramsci, no sentido de compreender a função e o lugar da grande mídia na luta de classes, articulando o conceito de hegemonia compreendido como a capacidade de uma classe formar e conservar seu poder através da direção intelectual e moral às noções de sociedade civil, senso comum, aparelhos privados de hegemonia, cultura, entre outros. Trata-se de uma análise de caráter fundamentalmente teórico-interpretativo, que não pode prescindir, assim sendo, de uma análise que, partindo do presente, se aproxime de processos históricos elementares para pensar o contexto atual, sobre o qual incide nossa proposta de estudo. Na condição de aparelho privado de hegemonia, a mídia burguesa cumpre a função de fabricar e difundir consensos que formam o senso comum e contribuem para a reprodução da passivização das classes subalternas. No Brasil, essa questão assume dimensão diferenciada, em virtude das recorrentes soluções pelo alto, típicas de uma revolução burguesa experimentada como revolução sem revolução, que marcaram a trajetória histórica do país. Nesse processo, o Estado assume protagonismo para preservar a hegemonia das classes dominantes, excluindo a massa do povo de exercer influência na direção da vida política e social através da repressão direta e da coerção e através da construção de estratégias destinadas à obtenção do consenso das classes subalternas. Com a hegemonia neoliberal, efetiva-se um aprofundamento da subordinação e passivização destas classes, por um novo processo de fragilização de seus aparelhos de disputa por hegemonia, ao mesmo tempo que grandes conglomerados midiáticos se formam e se fortalecem, interferindo em todas as esferas da vida social e participando na construção de uma direção hegemônica da sociedade que seja favorável à preservação da ordem. / This study aims to provide input to deepen the debate about the relationship between "social issue" and media in Brazil, linking this issue to the discussion of the peculiarities of Brazilian society, especially for the concept of "passive revolution" in the thinking of Antonio Gramsci. The approach to this complex field of reflection will occur in its general aspects, by the articulation among three major theoretical debates: a) concerning the "social issue", particularly the discussion held within the Social Service, by the study of its expressions and founding determinations, its historical developing, the particularities that it assumes in the Brazilian social composition and the aspects that are part of its present; b) the dense debate about the particularities of the historical development of the Brazilian social formation, having as a guideline the notion of "bourgeois revolution", as developed by Florestan Fernandes. The conversation with authors that addressed the specificities of the capitalist development and the establishment of the bourgeois order in Brazil, brings not only elements to be considered in the "social issue" in the country, but also, understand the connection between the historical trajectory of Brazilian society - that, to our understanding, is marked by moments of passive transition (what Gamsci called "passive revolution") - and the relevance and influence that the so called big media has in the contemporary Brazilian society; c) the theoretical debate around the concept of hegemony in the thought of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, in a sense to understand the funtion and place of the big media in the struggle of classes, articulating the concept of hegemony - understood as the ability of a class to build and retain their power through the "intellectual and moral direction" - to the notions of civil society, common sense, "private" hegemony apparatuses, culture apparatuses, among others. This is an analysis of fundamentally theoretical and interpretive character, which can't do without, thus, of an analysis that, starting from the present, approaches elementary historical processes to think about the current context, over the one that our study proposal focuses. In the condition of "private" hegemony apparatus, the bourgeois media fulfills a function to fabricate and disseminate consensus that mold the common sense and contribute to the reproduction of the passivization of the subaltern classes. In Brazil, that issue assumes distinguished dimension, in virtue of the "solutions from above", typical of a bourgeois revolution experienced as "revolution without revolution", that marked the historical trajectory of the country. In that process, the State assumes leadership to preserve the hegemony of the ruling classes, excluding the mass of people to influence the direction of social and political life through direct repression and coercion and by building strategic elements aimed at achieving consensus of the subaltern classes. With the neoliberal hegemony, a deepening of subordination and passivization of these classes takes place, by a new process of weakening of its apparatuses of dispute for hegemony, at the same time as big media conglomerates are formed and strengthened, interfering in all social life spheres and imprint a hegemonic direction to society, favorable to the preservation of order.

Este estudo objetiva apresentar contribuições para o aprofundamento do debate acerca da relação entre questão social e mídia no Brasil, articulando esta temática à discussão sobre as particularidades da formação social brasileira, com destaque para o conceito de revolução passiva no pensamento de Antonio Gramsci. A aproximação a este complexo campo de reflexão se dará, em seus aspectos gerais, pela articulação entre três grandes debates teóricos: a) o concernente à questão social, sobretudo a discussão realizada no interior do Serviço Social, pelo estudo de suas expressões e determinações fundantes, seu desenvolvimento histórico, as particularidades que assume na formação social brasileira e em tempos de hegemonia neoliberal; b) o denso debate sobre as particularidades do desenvolvimento histórico da formação social brasileira, tendo como fio condutor a noção de revolução burguesa, tal como desenvolvida por Florestan Fernandes. O diálogo com autores que trataram das especificidades do desenvolvimento capitalista e da instauração da ordem burguesa no Brasil, aporta não apenas elementos para se pensar na questão social no País, mas também, compreender a conexão entre a trajetória histórica da sociedade brasileira que, a nosso ver, é marcada por momentos de transição pelo alto (o que Gramsci chamou de revolução passiva) e a relevância e influência que a chamada grande mídia tem na sociedade brasileira atual; c) o debate teórico entorno do conceito de hegemonia no pensamento de Gramsci, no sentido de compreender a função e o lugar da grande mídia na luta de classes, articulando o conceito de hegemonia compreendido como a capacidade de uma classe formar e conservar seu poder através da direção intelectual e moral às noções de sociedade civil, senso comum, aparelhos privados de hegemonia, cultura, entre outros. Trata-se de uma análise de caráter fundamentalmente teórico-interpretativo, que não pode prescindir, assim sendo, de uma análise que, partindo do presente, se aproxime de processos históricos elementares para pensar o contexto atual, sobre o qual incide nossa proposta de estudo. Na condição de aparelho privado de hegemonia, a mídia burguesa cumpre a função de fabricar e difundir consensos que formam o senso comum e contribuem para a reprodução da passivização das classes subalternas. No Brasil, essa questão assume dimensão diferenciada, em virtude das recorrentes soluções pelo alto, típicas de uma revolução burguesa experimentada como revolução sem revolução, que marcaram a trajetória histórica do país. Nesse processo, o Estado assume protagonismo para preservar a hegemonia das classes dominantes, excluindo a massa do povo de exercer influência na direção da vida política e social através da repressão direta e da coerção e através da construção de estratégias destinadas à obtenção do consenso das classes subalternas. Com a hegemonia neoliberal, efetiva-se um aprofundamento da subordinação e passivização destas classes, por um novo processo de fragilização de seus aparelhos de disputa por hegemonia, ao mesmo tempo que grandes conglomerados midiáticos se formam e se fortalecem, interferindo em todas as esferas da vida social e participando na construção de uma direção hegemônica da sociedade que seja favorável à preservação da ordem. / This study aims to provide input to deepen the debate about the relationship between "social issue" and media in Brazil, linking this issue to the discussion of the peculiarities of Brazilian society, especially for the concept of "passive revolution" in the thinking of Antonio Gramsci. The approach to this complex field of reflection will occur in its general aspects, by the articulation among three major theoretical debates: a) concerning the "social issue", particularly the discussion held within the Social Service, by the study of its expressions and founding determinations, its historical developing, the particularities that it assumes in the Brazilian social composition and the aspects that are part of its present; b) the dense debate about the particularities of the historical development of the Brazilian social formation, having as a guideline the notion of "bourgeois revolution", as developed by Florestan Fernandes. The conversation with authors that addressed the specificities of the capitalist development and the establishment of the bourgeois order in Brazil, brings not only elements to be considered in the "social issue" in the country, but also, understand the connection between the historical trajectory of Brazilian society - that, to our understanding, is marked by moments of passive transition (what Gamsci called "passive revolution") - and the relevance and influence that the so called big media has in the contemporary Brazilian society; c) the theoretical debate around the concept of hegemony in the thought of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, in a sense to understand the funtion and place of the big media in the struggle of classes, articulating the concept of hegemony - understood as the ability of a class to build and retain their power through the "intellectual and moral direction" - to the notions of civil society, common sense, "private" hegemony apparatuses, culture apparatuses, among others. This is an analysis of fundamentally theoretical and interpretive character, which can't do without, thus, of an analysis that, starting from the present, approaches elementary historical processes to think about the current context, over the one that our study proposal focuses. In the condition of "private" hegemony apparatus, the bourgeois media fulfills a function to fabricate and disseminate consensus that mold the common sense and contribute to the reproduction of the passivization of the subaltern classes. In Brazil, that issue assumes distinguished dimension, in virtue of the "solutions from above", typical of a bourgeois revolution experienced as "revolution without revolution", that marked the historical trajectory of the country. In that process, the State assumes leadership to preserve the hegemony of the ruling classes, excluding the mass of people to influence the direction of social and political life through direct repression and coercion and by building strategic elements aimed at achieving consensus of the subaltern classes. With the neoliberal hegemony, a deepening of subordination and passivization of these classes takes place, by a new process of weakening of its apparatuses of dispute for hegemony, at the same time as big media conglomerates are formed and strengthened, interfering in all social life spheres and imprint a hegemonic direction to society, favorable to the preservation of order.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1121537 bytes, checksum: 3aa6e360e377b93f99f863224c19bea0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research aims at analyzing the conditions of life and work of cane cutters in the city of Mamanguape - Paraíba. Given the understanding of reality, research has prioritized the knowledge of the method in Marx (1983), and the study of Marxist economic categories essential to the apprehension of the social question in its various expressions, which in the case of sugarcane cutting reveals on the devices used by capital to obfuscate the abuse that thousands of workers are subjected. Based on this understanding, we analyze the relations of production of agribusiness cane sugar, with the privileged object the cane cutter. In the case of this worker, capital is used strategically salary for production, forcing him to step up his activity and generating, in turn, the most perverse forms of exploitation. Given the rationale of Social Service, this research aims to know this particular form of exploitation, seeking closer ties with one of the expressions of social issues. It is noticed that the social question, the result of capital-labor contradiction is at the same time, the object of intervention and knowledge of Social Work. Based on this understanding, this research acquires significance insofar as it lies in agribusiness cane sugar, which summarizes economic segment wealth and poverty, expressing thus the mode of being of capitalist development. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo a análise das condições de vida e trabalho dos cortadores de cana no município de Mamanguape - Paraíba. Tendo em vista a compreensão da realidade, a pesquisa priorizou o método em Marx (1982), e portanto, o estudo de categorias econômicas marxistas, imprescindível à apreensão da questão social em suas mais variadas expressões, que no caso do corte da cana revela-se nos artifícios utilizados pelo capital para ofuscar a exploração abusiva a que milhares de trabalhadores são submetidos. A partir desse entendimento, analisamos as relações de produção da agroindústria da cana-de-açúcar, tendo como objeto privilegiado o cortador de cana. No caso desse trabalhador, o capital utiliza-se, estrategicamente, do salário por produção, forçando-o a intensificar sua atividade e gerando, por sua vez, as mais perversas formas de exploração. Tendo em vista a razão de ser do Serviço Social, esta pesquisa objetiva conhecer essa forma particular de exploração, visando uma maior aproximação com uma das expressões da questão social. Percebe-se que a questão social, fruto da contradição capital-trabalho é, ao mesmo tempo, objeto de intervenção e de conhecimento do Serviço Social. A partir desse entendimento, esta pesquisa adquire significado, na medida em que se situa na agroindústria da cana-de-açúcar, segmento econômico que sintetiza riqueza e miséria, expressando, portanto, o modo de ser do desenvolvimento capitalista.

This dissertation presents results of a study whose main objective was to identify and understand the social actions taken by the bishop Don José Vicente Silveira Távora in Sergipe (1958-1970). Such actions were here related to the senses and provisions established in the Brazilian Catholic field since 1930 to 1970 and to the discussion about the social issue that drove the Social Doctrine of the Church in Brazil. We also seek to highlight the following aspects: emergence, strategies, practices, discourses and symbolic goods offered by this bishop. Thus, the analysis of social actions of Dom Távora in Sergipe requires, above all, understanding the senses of that religious field, as well as the positions of the agent within this social sphere in the 1950s and 1960s, a period under the sign of the genesis of the catholic left and of its transformative ambitions. It s supposed that the social actions implemented by Dom Távora in Sergipe are directly associated with the defense of a Church model, which is manifested by the reform faction of the Brazilian clergy to which he was linked. Moreover, it s noted that the pictures attributed to him were the result of a construction career in defense of a direct action of the Church regarding the social issue, as well as its proximity to the intellectual and political field in Brazil. / Esta dissertação apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa cujo objetivo principal foi identificar e compreender as ações de cunho social empreendidas pelo prelado Dom José Vicente Silveira Távora em Sergipe (1958-1970). Tais ações foram, aqui, relacionadas aos sentidos e disposições instituídas no campo católico brasileiro no intervalo de 1930 a 1970 e ao debate acerca da questão social que impulsionou a Doutrina Social da Igreja no Brasil. Busca-se também, evidenciar os seguintes aspectos: emergência, estratégias, práticas, discursos e bens simbólicos oferecidos por este prelado. Assim, a análise das ações sociais de Dom Távora em Sergipe pressupõe, antes de tudo, a compreensão dos sentidos do referido campo religioso, bem como, da posição deste agente no interior desta esfera social nas décadas de 1950 e 1960, período sob o signo da gênese da esquerda católica e suas ambições transformadoras. Pressupõe-se que as ações sociais implantadas por Dom Távora em Sergipe estão diretamente associadas à defesa de um modelo de Igreja manifestado pela facção reformista do clero brasileiro ao qual ele estava vinculado. Ademais, é percebido que as imagens a ele atribuídas foram fruto de uma construção de carreira em defesa de uma ação direta da Igreja com relação à questão social, bem como de sua aproximação com o campo intelectual e político no Brasil.

This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.

Detta är en kvalitativ studie som syftar till att undersöka hur mellanstadielärare, verksamma inom ämnet samhällskunskap, resonerar kring kunskapsområdet samhällsfrågor och mer specifikt elevnära samhällsfrågor. Vidare undersöks lärares uppfattningar av undervisning i elevnärasamhällsfrågor och hur det arbetet kan kopplas till skolans demokratifostransuppdrag. För att undersöka detta har semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförts med sju verksamma lärare för att få en förståelse för deras tankar, upplevelser samt erfarenheter kring undervisning i elevnära samhällsfrågor. Studiens resultat visade bland annat att lärarna aktivt arbetar med elevnära samhällsfrågor och att de anser att det är en viktig del av samhällskunskaps-undervisningen. Resultatet antyder också att lärarna tolkar begreppet elevnära med ett bredare perspektiv än geografiskt. Lärarna delade uppfattningen av att eleverna behöver ha kunskap om samhället för att kunna verka i det. Vidare hade de föreställningen att samtal samt diskussioner är betydelsefulla och att de som lärare behöver skapa lärandemiljöer där eleverna lär sig att se olika perspektiv och får uttrycka sina åsikter. Lärarna såg få utmaningar med samhällsfrågor men att det då är upp till lärarna att göra det greppbart för eleverna. De belyser också att intresse och delaktighet vid undervisning med elevnära samhällsfrågor har betydelse för elevernas bildning till demokratiska samhällsmedborgare. / This essay is a qualitative study that aims to report how teachers active in middle school reasons about the subject civics with social issues and also pupil-related social issues. Furthermore, the aim is to investigate the purpose with teaching pupil-related social issues and if this study can be connected to the democratic task of nurturing citizens that teachers have. In order to do this, seven teachers have been interviewed in semi-structured interviews to get their thoughts and experiences on teaching pupils-related social issues. The results of the study showed, among other things, that the teachers are actively working with pupil-related social issues and that it is an important part of social science studies. The result also indicated that the teachers views the pupil-related perspective broader than only geographical. The teachers shared the opinion that the pupils need to have knowledge of society in order to be able to live in it. Additionally, the teachers held the notion that conversations and discussions are important and that the teachers need to create learning environments where the pupils learn to see different perspectives and also are able to express their opinions. The teachers in the study saw few challenges with teaching social issues but that it is up to the teachers to make it understandable for the pupils. They also demonstrate that interest and participation in pupils-related social issues are significant for the pupils´ formation into democratic citizens.

O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é analisar a assimilação antropofágica (Utilizarei, nesta dissertação a metáfora da expressão Antropofagia realizada pelo Movimento Modernista brasileiro. Assim como os índios canibais devoravam seus inimigos, acreditando que assim assimilavam as suas qualidades, os artistas Modernistas propunham uma devoração simbólica da cultura estrangeira, aproveitando suas inovações artísticas sem perder a identidade cultural brasileira.) do debate jurídico norte-americano produzido em torno da questão social durante a Era Roosevelt por parte do pensamento jurídico brasileiro da Era Vargas. Desse modo, estudar-se-á a forma como os autores norte-americanos da Sociological Jurisprudence e do Realismo Jurídico foram utilizados pela doutrina jurídica brasileira do período entre guerras na formação de um pensamento jurídico antiliberal e anticonceitualista. No centro da crise do capitalismo mundial, as universidades (Roscoe Pound, 1870-1964, e Karl Nickerson Llewellyn, 1893-1962), a Suprema Corte (Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, 1870-1938, e Louis Dembitz Brandeis, 1856-1941) e o corpo burocrático do governo (1933-1945) Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) (James MacCauley Landis, 1899-1964) produziam alternativas ao mecanicismo judicial e ao modelo liberal. Na periferia do capitalismo mundial, o corpo burocrático de Vargas (Oliveira Vianna, Francisco Campos e Francisco Sá Filho) e as revistas e debates jurídicos (João Mangabeira e Alípio Silveira) questionavam o liberalismo da República Velha (1889-1930) e buscavam, no mercado global de idéias, modelos institucionais que pudessem ser antropofagizados, substituindo as idéias fora do lugar implantadas pelo bacharelismo utópico da República Velha. Era o momento de explicar o Brasil, encontrar o desenho institucional mais adequado à realidade nacional, construir uma opinião pública e descobrir as soluções para converter o atraso em modernização. Assim, nos principais palcos do debate jurídico dos dois países e, em especial, na Suprema Corte norte-americana e na doutrina jurídica brasileira, percebia-se essa tentativa de revisão do método jurídico, como uma forma de se adequar o direito a um novo quadro de relações do capitalismo industrial. Desse modo, não só se via a necessidade de implantação de um aparato jurídico apto a tratar a questão social (como a regulação das relações do trabalho), como também se observava a necessidade de se reconstruir a forma como se aplicava o direito. O modelo formalista e conceitualista que havia se consolidado sob uma perspectiva privatista e liberal durante o século XIX, mostrava-se ineficiente para atender as novas demandas da sociedade. Esse aspecto de integração entre a questão social e o antiformalismo é essencial para compreender o paralelo entre o pensamento jurídico norte-americano e brasileiro durante o período entre guerras, uma vez que é por meio desse eixo comum que se estabeleceram os principais canais de leitura antropofágica do pensamento jurídico norte-americano pelo pensamento jurídico brasileiro. / The objective of this Master\'s Degree dissertation is to analyze the \"anthropophagical\" (I will use, in this dissertation, the metaphor of the word Anthropophagy made by the Brazilian Modernist Movement. Like the cannibal Indians used to devour their enemies, with the belief that, as such, they would assimilate their qualities, the Modernist artists used to propose a symbolic devouring of the foreign culture, taking advantage of their artistic innovations without losing the Brazilian cultural identity) assimilation of the North-American legal debate, arising from the social issue during the Age of Roosevelt, by the Brazilian legal thought of the Age of Vargas. Therefore, one will study the way how the North-American authors of the Sociological Jurisprudence and of the Legal Realism have been used by the Brazilian legal doctrine of the interwar period, in the formation of an anti-liberal and anti-conceptualist legal thought. In the core crisis of the worldwide capitalism, Universities (Roscoe Pound, 1870-1964, and Karl Nickerson Llewellyn, 1893-1962), Supreme Court (Benjamin Nathan Cardozo, 1870-1938, and Louis Dembitz Brandeis, 1856-1941) and bureaucratic body of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) government (1933-1945) (James MacCauley Landis, 1899-1964) produced alternatives to the legal mechanicism and to the liberal model. At the periphery of the world capitalism, the bureaucratic body of Vargas (Oliveira Vianna, Francisco Campos and Francisco Sá Filho) and the legal magazines and debates (João Mangabeira e Alípio Silveira) questioned the liberalism of the Old Republic (1889-1930) and searched, in the global market of ideas, for institutional models that could be anthropophagized, replacing the out-of-place ideas implemented by the utopic bachelorism of the Old Republic. That was the time of explaining Brazil, finding the institutional drawing that is the most proper to the national reality, building a public opinion and discovering the solutions to convert the delay into modernization. Thus, in the main background legal debate of the two countries legal debate, and especially in the United States Supreme Court and in the Brazilian legal doctrine could be perceive such attempt of review of the legal method, as a way of fitting the law to a new picture of relations of the industrial capitalism. Therefore, it would be seen not only the need of implementation of a legal apparatus proper to treat the social issue (such as the regulation of the work relations), as well as one would observe the need of rebuilding the way how the law was applied. The formalist and conceptualist model that would be consolidated under a privativistic and liberal perspective during the 19th Century showed to be ineffective to deal with the new demands of the society. This aspect of integration between the social issue and the anti-formalism is essential to understand the parallel between the North-American and Brazilian legal thought during the interwar period, since the main channels of anthropophagic reading of the North-American legal thought by the Brazilian one have been established by means of this common axis.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2017-02-07T18:52:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira, Rosane Santana Rodrigues.pdf: 2463533 bytes, checksum: c5a4e08dae45fe44ebf627599d3e39d9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2017-02-15T19:07:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira, Rosane Santana Rodrigues.pdf: 2463533 bytes, checksum: c5a4e08dae45fe44ebf627599d3e39d9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-15T19:07:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira, Rosane Santana Rodrigues.pdf: 2463533 bytes, checksum: c5a4e08dae45fe44ebf627599d3e39d9 (MD5) / O exercício da cidadania por intermédio da participação, no Estado democrático de direito, pode ser entendido como o meio mais eficaz para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária frente à questão social que requer cada vez mais uma ação no sentido de tornar os direitos garantidos no papel efetivos, ampliando-os. Necessário se torna investir na educação para a cidadania a fim de que os indivíduos, desde a mais tenra idade, se percebam como cidadãos sujeitos de direitos e deveres, capazes de construir coletivamente alternativas de enfrentamento das condições adversas, sendo instrumentalizados neste sentido e incentivados ao protagonismo. O CEZA, objeto do presente estudo de caso, pode se consolidar como uma organização que cumpra tal fim ao incrementar seu trabalho, investindo em um projeto que viabilize a formação de cidadãos críticos, conscientes e que saibam se posicionar frente ao mundo. O resultado desta pesquisa se materializa na elaboração do caso para ensino “CEZA: uma Iniciativa Transformadora” que apresenta a experiência da organização, os resultados da pesquisa e propostas de melhoria para o trabalho que já vem sendo realizado, mediante a constatação de fragilidades. Conclui-se que as propostas de estratégias apresentadas à organização, objeto de estudo, colaborarão neste processo que vem vivenciando, remetendo à reflexão sobre o trabalho até então desenvolvido e as possibilidades existentes para este, trazendo no mínimo, inquietações e provocações no sentido de uma nova ação voltada à educação para o exercício efetivo da cidadania de crianças, adolescentes, das respectivas famílias e quiçá, da comunidade pelos reflexos que porventura lhes abarquem, contribuindo para alcançar a almejada cidadania além do papel. / The exercise of citizenship through participation in the democratic rule of law, can be understood as the most effective means for building a more just and egalitarian society in order to make the rights in the law effective and also expanding them. This being so, it is necessary to invest strongly in citizenship education in order to make citizens, from an early age, seeing themselves as subjects of rights and duties, able to build collectively alternative ways to coping with adverse conditions, being bearer of skills to achieve them and encouraged to a protagonism role. The CEZA, object of this case study, can be seen as an organization that fulfills this purpose by investing in a project that enables the formation of critical citizens, aware of how to face the world. The result of this research is a case for teaching "CEZA: a Changing Initiative" that presents the experience developed by the organization, the outputs found and proposals for improving the work that is already being done in order to overcome the existing weaknesses. It has been concluded that the proposed strategies presented to the CEZA organization, will aggregate value in this process, influencing the previously work done, bringing a new action aimed to produce an education for the effective exercise of citizenship of children, adolescents, their families and perhaps, of the community, contributing to achieve the desired citizenship beyond the paper.

Submitted by Jamile Barbosa da Cruz (jamile.cruz@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T11:57:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014.1 - SANDRA MOREIRA COSTA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 1498054 bytes, checksum: df6bf133731bc981f31b234e3af675dd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T16:48:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014.1 - SANDRA MOREIRA COSTA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 1498054 bytes, checksum: df6bf133731bc981f31b234e3af675dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T16:48:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014.1 - SANDRA MOREIRA COSTA DE CARVALHO.pdf: 1498054 bytes, checksum: df6bf133731bc981f31b234e3af675dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-24 / Este trabalho se propõe a analisar o paradoxo existente desde 1988 entre a conquista de direitos sociais universais, tais como a saúde, e a falta de mecanismos para sua concretização na prática, analisando o acesso às políticas de saúde por parte das pessoas em situação de rua, percebido na restrição encontrada por essas pessoas na área da saúde, processo vivenciado no trabalho direto da autora, há mais de doze anos, com esse público nessas áreas. O método utilizado será o dialético crítico, com a realização de um estudo teórico empírico de abordagem qualitativa, realizado através de revisão bibliográfica, com consulta a autores que discutem a questão social, capitalismo, trabalho, pobreza extrema, políticas sociais e a situação de rua, além dos últimos censos realizados em Salvador e em âmbito nacional sobre a situação de pessoas nessas condições. Analisam-se a realidade de duas unidades de saúde, de atenção básica, do Centro Histórico de Salvador e as contradições no processo social, político e econômico de negação de direitos que permeia essa questão. O contexto brasileiro, mais especificamente do Centro Histórico de Salvador, demonstra a falta de dispositivos para acesso desses sujeitos a políticas fundamentais como a saúde. Entender essa situação implica considerar que a situação de rua precisa ser analisada na construção e reconstrução de políticas sociais que, ao mesmo tempo em que respondem formalmente às demandas apresentadas por esses sujeitos, contraditoriamente reforçam sua condição de despossuídos de direitos, por não se operacionalizarem na prática. Neste estudo, considera-se importante fundamentar brevemente a situação de rua atrelada à criação, configuração e reconfiguração histórica da pobreza extrema como expressão da questão social no sistema capitalista de produção, entender, na história e na atualidade brasileira e no Centro Histórico de Salvador, e o que se tem construído para a efetivação de direitos sociais dessas pessoas, e os entraves que impedem esse avanço. / This study aims to analyze the paradox since 1988 between the conquest of universal social rights, such as health and lack of mechanisms for their implementation in practice, analyzing access health policies for people living on the street, perceived the restriction found by these people in healthcare, process experienced in the direct work of the author, there are more than twelve years with this audience in these areas. The method used will be critical dialectic, where a theoretical study will be conducted through literature review in consultation with the authors argue that the social question, capitalism, labor, extreme poverty, social policy and the homeless and the last census conducted in Salvador and nationally on the situation of people in these conditions. We sought to analyze the social contradictions in the economic process, and denial of political rights that permeates this question. The Brazilian and more specifically Salvador context demonstrates the lack of access to these devices subject to fundamental policies such as health. Understand it means considering that the homeless need to be analyzed in the construction and reconstruction of social policy, which while formally respond to the demands presented by these subjects, paradoxically reinforce their status as dispossessed of rights, not operationalize in practice. In this study, it is considered important to briefly justify the situation of street tied to the creation, configuration and reconfiguration of historical extreme poverty as an expression of the social question in the capitalist system of production. We seek to understand the history and current Brazilian and Salvador, which has advanced in attaining social rights of these people, and what barriers hinder this progress.