Denna C-uppsats analyserar genom kvalitativt innehållsanalytiska metoder utvalda delar av BBC:s bevakning av upploppen i England i augusti 2011. Metodmodellen är egenkonstruerad, men använder element ur kritisk diskursanalys (CDA, Faircloughs tillämpningar), samt delar av de metodverktyg som tas upp i Selby och Cowderys metodhandbok How to Study Television. Materialet undersöks i fyra steg: konstruktion, kategori/genre, inverkan/agency samt diskursiv praktik/nyhetsvärdering. Teorin som tjänar som bas för undersökningen består av litteratur inom ämnesområdet journalistik och samhälle, med stor fokus på relationen dem sinsemellan. Uppsatsens syfte är att belysa hur social skiktning och rådande diskurser spelar in i representationen av olika samhällsgrupper i BBC:s nyhetsrapportering, med rapporteringen kring upploppen som exempel på hur representationen kan se ut. De centrala frågeställningar som uppsatsens analysdel ämnar besvara är hur individer från olika samhällsskikt tilldelas rätten att definiera upploppen, och hur denna tilldelning av definitionsrätt påverkar innehållet i nyhetsinslagen. Vissa avgränsningar görs för undersökningen. Då analysen görs på ett relativt litet urval bestående av tre nyhetsinslag (alla tre är intervjuer) görs i uppsatsen inga anspråk på att dra några slutsatser gällande rapporteringen kring upploppen i stort, eller kring BBC:s rapportering generellt. Från resultaten kan det konstateras att det finns stora skillnader i identitetskonstruktionen av de olika individerna i nyhetsinslagen, och att representation och tillåtelsen till definition av nyhetshändelsen skiljer sig tydligt mellan inslagen. En vit butiksinnehaverska i yngre medelåldern representeras med en stark positiv identitet, och får föra ut sitt budskap fritt och ostört. Hennes definition av händelserna och de inblandade människorna tillåts dominera inslaget totalt och därmed legitimeras. Övriga individer, två unga flickor och en svart journalist i övre medelåldern kommer inte i närheten av att på allvar få definiera händelserna, och representeras betydligt mer negativt och som svagare individer. Sammantaget kan det konstateras att det i materialet finns en grov skevhet och allvarliga skillnader i rätten att få definiera händelser i sin omvärld.

Suite aux émeutes du Printemps Arabe de 2011 et l’incapacité avouée à prévoir ce genre d’évènements à l’échelle mondiale, nous nous sommes intéressés à une nouvelle approche macroscopique quantitative qui doit permettre de mieux comprendre cette problématique dans son ensemble. Après avoir considéré, au travers des connaissances existantes, la conception d’un cadre théorique éclectique considérant l’émergence des émeutes, nous avons procédé à une analyse par recension de leurs facteurs regroupés en sphères politiques, économiques, sociales et technologiques. De ces analyses nous avons tiré trois grandes catégories d’émeutes, à savoir, les émeutes ethniques-religieuses, les émeutes socio-économiques, et les émeutes de masse-politiques. Dans la deuxième partie de notre recherche, nous avons abordé la problématique sous l’angle quantitatif. Tout d’abord, nous avons effectué des analyses bivariées entre les différentes catégories d’émeutes et les différentes sphères de variables. Nous avons ainsi remarqué que les émeutes de masse-politiques sont principalement sensibles aux facteurs politiques des pays. Les émeutes socio-économiques de notre échantillon sont quant-à-elles fortement liées aux variables des sphères sociales et économiques. Enfin, les émeutes de type ethniques-religieuses sont liées à la fois à la sphère sociale, et plus particulièrement à l’aspect d’hétérogénéité ethno-religieuse, et également aux variables de la sphère économique. Si ces constatations peuvent sembler tautologiques, en fait il n’en est rien. Ce que nous avons identifié ici est le fait que les différentes typologies d’émeutes, comme nous les avons établies, ont un lien direct avec les sphères de variables concordantes, répondant ainsi à une logique quantitative. Ensuite, nous avons établi des modèles statistiques par le biais de régressions linaires multiples. Plusieurs modèles ont été créés pour répondre aux différentes typologies d’émeutes. On retrouve ainsi un modèle global visant à comprendre les émeutes dans leur ensemble, et également des modèles spécifiques créés pour analyser les sous-catégories d’émeutes. Deuxième point important de notre étude : il est possible d’établir des modèles statistiques fiables pour analyser les émeutes de manière macroscopique et ces derniers varient en fonction des catégories d’émeutes. Ainsi, notre modèle multivarié principal explique 50% de la variance du taux global d’émeutes. / Following the 2011 Arab Spring’s riots and apparent difficulty predicting such events worldwide, the study is interested in developing a new macroscopic approach that utilizes quantitative aspects of the issue to generate a systemic view. Building on existing knowledge, considering the design of an eclectic theoretical framework for the emergence of the riots, the study conducts an analysis of their political, economic, social and technological factors. From the analysis the study has considered three main categories of riots: the ethnic-religious riots, the socioeconomic riots, and the mass-political riots. In the second part of the research we have addressed the issue from quantitative perspective. Initially, we conducted bivariate analysis between the different categories of riots and the different variables grouped in the political, economic, social and technological areas. Statistical analysis of these variables points out that the different spheres of variables act differently on different categories of riots. The study has also remarked that the mass-political riots are mainly sensitive to countries' political factors. Socio-economic riots in our sample are tightly bound to social and economic variables. Finally, ethnic-religious riots are related to social variables, especially ethnical and religious homogeneity. These findings may seem tautological, but our study leads us to think otherwise. This study identifies an interesting relationships: various types of riots, as we have established, have a direct link to certain spheres of variables, following a quantitative logic. Additionally, we developed statistical models through multiple linear regressions. For each type of riot, a specific model has been created. The study utilizes a comprehensive model to understand the riots as a whole, as well as specific models designed to analyze subcategories of riots. Second important point of the study: it is possible to build reliable statistical models to analyze the riots in a macroscopic approach and they vary based on the categories of riots. Thus, our main multivariate model explains 50% of the riots rate’s variance. / Les calculs statistiques ont été effectués à l'aide du logiciel SPSS.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 315-339). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

In June 1959 there were widespread riots and disturbances in the Durban African area of Cato Manor. The fundamental causes were socio-economic; arising from such factors as poor living conditions and widespread poverty. But it was the exhaustive beer-raids on illegal stills that provided a flashpoint. It was illegal for Africans to brew their own beer; instead they were obliged to purchase it from the municipal beer-halls - the money then being used for the development and administration of African facilities, (l) Amongst the inhabitants of Cato Manor and particularly amongst women who traditionally brewed the beer, this caused much dissatisfaction. However, discontent was prevented from reaching breaking -point by the police strategy of ignoring illegal brewing as long as amounts did not exceed more than k to 8 gallons, and also by only carrying out very perfunctory raids. (2) Another dimension was added to the beer-hall issue in the form of complaints by women that this was not the traditional way of doing things. They said that men should obtain beer from their women instead of frequenting the beer halls, and more importantly, by patronising the beer-halls, men were depriving their women of what little money they could have paid them. (3) In this complaint centering around the fact that an element of traditional life was being disrupted, is contained another issue of basic importance to the Natal riots in general. The policies of the government as implemented by the Durban Corporation in the case of Cato Manor meant the fragmentation of a traditional and still important social order. The economic function of the women of Cato Manor, and ass will be seen later, of most Natal women was being removed. In addition to basic deprivation it was this factor that can to a large extent be seen as the reason for the intensity and militancy of the women's attacks on the beer-halls and on Corporation property. Cato Manor was an area unique among the locations and townships of Durban. Its inhabitants had moved there in the years just after the war without any official sanction. Cato Manor was unplanned, and as a result of its spontaneous creation far less controlled and policed than any of the townships set up as a result of government planning. Because of this freedom Cato Manor was a haven for all those who were illegally in the urban areas, or whose livelihood contravened the multitude of rules and regulations governing the lives of Africans. Cato Manor's large population of shebeen queens owed its existence to this lack of control. (4) In 1958 there had been considerable discontent and unrest in Cato Manor over the attempt to implement shack-removal schemes, thereby clearing the slum and transferring much of its population to the new township of Kwa Mashu. At Kwa Mashu where rents were higher and which was also less centrally situated than Cato Manor, there was far more rigid control. Removals would have in effect meant that. Cato Manor's large illegal population, including the shebeen Queens and petty traders, would have been deprived of their livelihoods or endorsed out of the urban areas. (5) It was in this context that threats of a Typhoid epidemic in June 1959 caused the Durban Corporation to decide to radically increase and improve sanitation measures in Cato Manor, and to eliminate any conditions conducive to the breeding of flies. The refusal of the inhabitants of Cato Manor to do away with the large quantities of illegal liquor negated the health measures taken by the authorities. Finally, municipal labourers were ordered to enter Cato Manor and destroy all stills. The resentment aroused by this action caused a large group of women to march on the Booth Road Beerhall on June 17th whereupon they chased out the male customers and destroyed the beer. (6) The rioting spread rapidly to other Durban beerhalls and a large proportion of the Corporations property was destroyed. In addition, a successful beer boycott was launched. In Cato Manor violence had subsided by the beginning of July at which time it had already spread to such areas as Verulam and Umbumbulu. Six weeks after the initial rioting essential services had not yet been restored fully in Cato Manor. By the beginning of August unrest was rife in many of Natal's smaller towns as well as a large section of the rural areas.

Despite the upsurge in fact-based and verbatim theatre in recent years (Fogarth and Megson 2009: 1), engagement with the form as a technique equally suitable for poetry has been especially limited. This thesis examines the deployment of verbatim methods in a series of poems which constitute the creative element, written in order to (re)present expressions of identity and ideas of imagined community during the 2011 riots in Birmingham. Located in the context of this particular disorder, United We Stand explores both individual and group experiences of the events that took place in Birmingham. The series of verbatim poems draws on data extracted from 25 semi-structured, life-story interviews with participants who lived or worked in the city during these incidents. In doing so, both the thesis and the creative practice that informs it critique Benedict Anderson s earlier model of the nation as an imagined community (1983; 1991; 2006). While quantitative network analysis is deployed to establish the ties between media channels and ordinary citizens that were maintained online through social networking, creative and reported responses published by these same media sources are analysed in relation to national narrative conventions (Billig 2001; Mihelj 2011). This demonstrates that new and popular media played a significant role in (re)presenting imagined communities in this setting. By providing evidence for the existence of these shifting imagined communities across various geographical, social and cultural scales, the thesis suggests that Anderson s decision to focus on the nation is problematic. It argues that his framework is partial and that a new definition of imagined community as both fluid and emergent is necessary. Literary context for the thesis is found in the origins and developments of verbatim; exploring early documentary theatre practice and contemporary verbatim productions by Richard Norton-Taylor, Alecky Blythe, and Gillian Slovo. Through an analysis of Bhanu Kapil Rider s The Vertical Interrogation of Strangers (2001), the thesis illustrates how existing poets have organised comparable methods in their own work. This culminates in a demonstration of practice as research by producing a ground-breaking body of work: United We Stand is a series of poems crafted through the deployment of verbatim methods. The thesis demonstrates that deploying verbatim methods in poetry is suitable for (re)presenting expressions of identity and ideas of imagined community in this context. By transforming the voices of ordinary people of Birmingham, United We Stand reflects the media narratives that precede it: the poems are a direct engagement with the same fluid and emergent imagined communities that they argue existed. More importantly, though, this thesis goes beyond contemporary techniques of verbatim and establishes the evolutionary nature of it as a poetic practice. The combination of verbatim methods and visual-digital tools that I deploy throughout United We Stand results in a new creative process which I have termed Digital Poetic Mimesis.

Adequar-se ao tempo métrico homogênio abstrato é requesito necessário aos sujeitos sujeitados à lógica da produção de mercadorias. Perturbações na normalidade dilaceradora geram reações adversas. Docilizados, introjetado o açoite, as mônadas seguem o fluxo. O desejo de realização no metabolismo social gera os gases que a alimentam as explosões. Se você tem em mãos este exemplar, certamente pagou o bilhete de entrada. Boa viagem. / To adapt to the abstract homogeneous metric time is requisite necessary to subject subjected to the logic of commodity production. Disruptions in the normal tearing, generate adverse reactions. Tamed, introjected the scourge, the monads follow the flow. The desire for achievement in the social metabolism generates gases that feed the explosions. If you have on hand this exemplary, certainly paid the entrance fee. Good trip.

Esta dissertação tem como objetos centrais a Câmara Municipal de Vila Rica e as elites locais que controlaram suas prerrogativas, desde sua fundação em 1711, ate as revoltas que ocorreram no sertão de Minas Gerais a partir de 1736. Analisa-se, ao longo de cinco capítulos, as estratégias usadas pelos dois grupos que controlaram as prerrogativas da instituição, um durante a década de 1710, outro durante as décadas de 1720 e 1730. A partir da observação das rotinas administrativas e das finanças locais, e do estudo da trajetória dos 520 indivíduos que exerceram funções na instituição durante o período estudado especialmente dos 26 indivíduos mais influentes constatou-se uma oscilação da jurisdição do poder local, vinculada a uma redução das prerrogativas da Câmara Municipal. Este movimento foi causado pelo aumento da pressão dos agentes do monarca sobre as elites locais institucionalizadas, e por uma mudança de estratégia destas elites a partir da repressão à Revolta de Vila Rica em 1720. Antes deste episódio, o grupo dominante local era mais resistente aos interesses do rei na região, depois de 1720, o novo grupo que assumiu o controle da política local adotou uma linha mais conciliadora em relação aos agentes régios. A consolidação das elites locais, a partir deste momento, esteve diretamente vinculada a uma diminuição da jurisdição dos poderes locais em relação ao poder central. / This dissertation has as central objects the Municipal Council of Vila Rica and the local elites who controlled their prerogatives, from its foundation in 1711 until the riots that occurred in the hinterland of Minas Gerais in 1736. Over five chapters, we analyze the strategies used by the two groups that controlled the prerogatives of the institution, one during the decade of 1710, the other during the decades of 1720 e 1730. From the observation of local administrative routines and the study of the trajectory of the 520 individuals working in the institution during the period studied especially the 26 most influential individuals it was found oscillation of the jurisdiction of local authorities, linked to a reduction of the prerogatives of the Municipal Council. This movement was caused by increased pressure of the king\'s agents on institutionalized local elites, and a change of strategy of these elites from the repression of Villa Rica Revolt in 1720. Before this episode, the dominant local group was more resistant to the king\'s interests in the region; after 1720, the new group who took control of the local policy chose a more conciliatory line in relation to the king\'s agents. The consolidation of the local elites, since the decade of 1720, was directly linked to their decreasing autonomy in relation to the central power.

Orientador: Robert W. Slenes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:09:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pirola_RicardoFigueiredo_M.pdf: 1483800 bytes, checksum: 36d11e648b306fa35d2306d2b040e109 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: No ano de 1832 foi descoberto um plano de revolta escrava em Campinas, envolvendo quinze fazendas. O objetivo deste trabalho é construir uma biografia coletiva dos escravos e do liberto envolvidos nesse plano de rebelião. Buscaremos acompanhar a trajetória desses revoltosos desde o momento em que chegaram na vila de Campinas até o ano de 1832. Levantaremos vários aspectos de suas vidas, como, por exemplo, a época em que chegaram na região, as procedências, os tipos de tarefas desempenhadas nas fazendas, as relações de parentesco e outros. Esperamos com isso tirar algumas conclusões para discutir a temática da comunidade escrava. Existiria uma comunidade escrava homogênea pelo simples fato de todos terem a mesma condição cativa? Ou os escravos eram bastante divididos entre si pelas diferenças de origem, sendo os crioulos (cativos nascidos no Brasil) menos propensos a se rebelarem contra os senhores que os africanos? Ou, ainda, seriam aqueles escravos casados e com profissões especializadas completamente estranhos à maioria dos cativos que não experimentavam essas vivências e totalmente avessos a rebeliões coletivas? O trabalho utiliza o método de ligação nominativa das fontes, baseado em cinco séries documentais: processo-crime de 1832, inventários, censos populacionais, registros de batismo e casamento escravo / Abstract: In the year of 1832 a plan of enslaved revolt in Campinas was discovered, involving fifteen farms. The objective of this work is to construct a collective biography of the slaves and of free people involved in this plan of rebellion. We will search to follow the trajectory of these rebels since the moment where they had arrived in the village of Campinas until the year of 1832. We will raise some aspects of its lives, as, for example, the time where they had arrived in the region, the origins, the types of tasks played in the farms, the relationships and others. We wait with this to obtain some conclusions to argue the thematic of the enslaved community. Would exist a homogeneous enslaved community for the simple fact of all to have the same captive condition? Or the slaves sufficiently were divided between itself for the origin differences, having been the crioulos (captive been born in Brazil) less inclined to rebel against the masters who the Africans? Or, still, they would be those slaves married and professions specialized completely strange to the majority of the captives who did not try these experiences and total opposite the collective rebellions? I will use five documents: the evidence produced during the repression, inventories, censuses, registers of baptism and enslaved marriage / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

Thesis (M.A. (Criminology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016 / The study aimed to determine the relationship between service delivery protests and crime in the Sekhukhune District Municipality. To achieve the study a qualitative approach was adopted. Focus group discussions were held with 10 discussants in each of the municipalities within the Sekhukhune District Municipality (10 in Elias Motsoaledi Municipality, 10 in Ephraim Mogale Municipality, 10 in Greater Tubatse Municipality, 10 in Fetakgomo Municipality, and 10 in Makhuduthamaga Municipality).Thematic analysis were used to analysed data collected from 50 participants. The results revealed that lack of service delivery, corruption, poor housing and unemployment cause service delivery protests. Service delivery protests turn violent due to community frustrations and police presence escalates the violence. Sekhukhune District Municipality members participate in violent service delivery protests due hopelessness and lack of knowledge of participatory mechanisms. Road barricading, tyre burning and vandalism are the nature of criminality associated with service delivery protests. Public protests are caused by a myriad of factors; however the findings indicate that there is a gulf that exists between the public and the municipal authorities. The public voice seems not to be heard by authorities, which leads to the public engaging in public protests. Public protests come only as a last resort, after all public participation avenues have been exhausted including the failure of the authorities to respond timeously to public demands. The study was able to determine the relationship between service delivery protests and crime. Sekhukhune District Municipality need to explore ways for both the invited spaces and invented spaces of participation to co-exist. This will provide for early detection (warning signs) for the levels of frustrations and subsequent protests.