Vers 1356, le bénédictin Pierre Bersuire achève une traduction en français de l’œuvre latine de Tite-Live commandée par Jean II le Bon : les livres de l’Ab Urbe Condita deviennent les Décades. Celles-ci connaissent rapidement un succès important à la fin du Moyen Âge. C’est ainsi que jusqu’en 1515, presque soixante-dix copies sortent des plus grands ateliers de peintres. On distingue dans cette période un premier « moment » de l'illustration livienne compris entre 1356 et 1440 et qui constitue l'objet de cette étude. Nous nous consacrons d’abord au récit en latin et à la mise en valeur de son contenu. Puis nous tentons de définir l’œuvre livienne disponible pour la première fois en français et en intégralité. Enfin, nous analysons la place de celle-ci dans la société des années 1400. La seconde partie de cette recherche étudie les deux principaux manuscrits produits au cours du règne de Charles V. Nous nous attachons à révéler leurs origines, leurs sources d’inspiration et les mécanismes de leur mise en image. Enfin, nous étudions les volumes liviens des règnes de Charles VI et Charles VII. Cette étape de la production suit en parallèle l’évolution de l’enluminure. Le nombre des copies augmente. Cette croissance se caractérise par l’apparition d’exemplaires d’une qualité variable mais surtout par une rationalisation de la production. En effet, l’apparition de modèles de cycles repris par différents ateliers de peintures témoigne des échanges entres les artistes. Enfin, certains cycles présentent une identité forte qui les démarque de la fabrication plus massive et annoncent la production future. / Around 1356, the Benedictine Pierre Bersuire completes a french translation of the Latin work of Titus Livius ordered by John II the Good : the books of the Ab Urbe Condita become the Decades. They quickly meet an important success at the end of the Middle Ages. Until 1515, almost seventy copies are produced in the biggest painters' workshops. We distinguish within this period a first "moment" of the livian illustration between 1356 and 1440 which constitutes the purpose of this study. Firstly, we dedicate ourselves to the text in Latin and to the development of its contents. Then we try to define the livian work now entirely available in French for the very first time. Finally, we analyze its place in the society of the 1400’s. The second part of this research studies two major manuscripts produced during the reign of Charles V. We attempt to reveal their origins, as well as their sources of inspiration and the way the text is depicted. Finally, we study the livians’ volumes of the reigns of Charles VI and Charles VII. This stage of the production follows in parallel the evolution of the illumination. The number of copies increases. This growth is characterized by the appearance of copies of a variable quality but especially by a rationalization of the production. Indeed, the appearance of models of cycles painted by various workshops shows the exchanges between the artists. Finally, a few cycles present a strong identity which marks them down to the more massive manufacturing and announce the future production.

No description available.

Bien qu’elles aient été isolées il y a plusieurs décennies, certaines formes d’amphores « puniques » restaient difficiles à appréhender en raison de leur fabrication au cours de la période romaine. Plusieurs découvertes récentes ont permis d’identifier la production de certains de ces conteneurs au sein de l’espace du détroit de Gibraltar, après la seconde Guerre Punique (218-202 av. J.-C.). Face à l’importance et à la cohérence de la documentation concernant ces amphores, l’archéologie espagnole les a rassemblé dans un même groupe, celui des « amphores tardo-puniques ». Pour l’heure, cinq classes de conteneurs composent ce groupe, du fait de leurs chronologies commune et d’une mixité des traits typo-morphologiques commune, entre les traditions phéniciennes du détroit, puniques et romaines. La considération conjointe de ces types a été corroborée par une très large documentation, l’étude de ces amphores tardo-puniques représentant un nouvel axe de recherche. Néanmoins, de nombreuses interrogations persistaient sur ce mobilier malgré ces premiers ces progrès. D’une part, l’extension réelle de la production de ces conteneurs, de même que les modalités de leur fabrication au sein du détroit – entre la Maurétanie et l’Ibérie – restaient mal définies. D’autre part, les conditions et l’amplitude de leur distribution en dehors de la région du détroit représentaient des aspects particulièrement mal connus. Notre recherche entend constituer un large corpus de données archéologiques et historiques afin de tenter d’aborder ces questionnements. Pour y parvenir, un état de la question a été réalisé via le regroupement de la documentation des contextes de fabrication connus et supposés. Ensuite, une étude de plusieurs gisements sous-marins, en majorité inédits, a été réalisée afin de pouvoir observer les conditions de la circulation maritime de ces emballages. Enfin, leur place dans les réseaux d’échanges romains a été examinée via l’étude de plusieurs sites de consommation. L’analyse approfondie de ces informations, via un cadre analytique pluridisciplinaire, a conduit à réévaluer l’importance de ces conteneurs tardo-puniques dans les réseaux d’échanges tardo-républicains, un phénomène qui est également distinctement associé à l’intégration des élites du détroit de Gibraltar dans la « société » romaine. / Although they were isolated for several decades, some forms of "Punic" amphorae remain difficult to handle, mostly because of their manufacturing during the Roman period. Several recent discoveries allowed to identify the production of some of these containers within the space of the Strait of Gibraltar, in the continuation of the second Punic War (218-202 BC). Given the importance and consistency of their documentation, the Spanish archaeology gathered these ancient packages in the group of the "Late-Punic amphorae". For the moment, five types compose this group. They share several characteristics, between their chronologies and their morphological features mixing Phoenician, Punic and Roman traditions. The joint consideration of these types has recently been, confirmed, the study of the Late-Punic amphorae becoming a new area of research. Nevertheless, many questions persisted in spite of huge progress. On one hand, the real extension of the production of these containers, as well as the modalities of their manufacturing within the area of the Strait, could not be defined. On the other hand, the conditions and the range of their commercial diffusion out of the Iberian Peninsula was still uncertain.Our research intends to deal with these questions thanks to a wide corpus of archaeological and historical data. The first stage of our study concerned the consolidation of the documentation from the manufacturing contexts associated with the Late-Punic containers. Then, a study of several underwater deposits, most of them largely unpublished, is realized in order to observe their maritime traffic. Their place in the trade patterns of the Late Republican era is criticized by examining their presence in several consumption sites. The analysis of all these data led to reevaluate the commercial success of these Late-Punic containers, whereas their diffusion was clearly connected with the integration of the local elites from the Strait of Gibraltar in the Roman society.

This dissertation establishes how different citizen soldiers were employed and evaluated in the imaginary of fifth century Athens and gives explanations why popular thinking on military personnel was organised in this way. In so doing it emerges that a particular citizen soldier figured in Athenian conceptions about many aspects of martial activity. Also, it has proven necessary to analyse several other conceptions concerning the waging of war in which military personnel strictly play no part because of their indirect but important influence on how this or that class of Athenian fighters was judged. As a result this study ends up throwing light on the ways in which fifth century Athenians conceived not only of citizen combatants but also of warfare in general. The dissertation begins by outlining the primary sources for the Athenian imaginary and its major characteristics. The numerous tragedies and comedies surviving from the fifth century are shown to be sure evidence for the imaginary and the funeral oration of the period to have had a vital role in the transmission of key elements of Athenian self-identity and their understanding of warfare. Although playwrights and public speakers were invariably members of the Athenian elite, the particular contexts in which they performed compelled them to take up and articulate the values and conceptions of their overwhelmingly non-elite audiences. The imaginary then had a decidedly popular character. It was also a sprawling cultural melange within which incongruous and even patently contradictory ideas could subsist side by side. The second part of this dissertation exposes that the citizen hoplite enjoyed a central and paradigmatic role in the popular thinking of fifth century Athens. It was only ever to the heavily armed soldier that poets and orators turned when they wanted to consider general aspects of warfare, the military obligations of citizenship, and gallant and fainthearted behaviour on the battlefield. The Athenian hoplite also served as the pivotal reference point for the marking out of age and gender distinctions within the city and of the differences in military morality between Greeks and barbarians. Critically, as the prevailing definitions of bravery and cowardice were modelled exclusively on the phalanx warfare of the hoplites, Athenian lightly armed troops, cavalrymen and perhaps even sailors with their very different modes of combat were judged one way or another to be cowardly. Yet the final part of this dissertation demonstrates that this normative status of the heavy infantryman in no way prevented citizen sailors from gaining recognition and positive evaluation of their metier and themselves in the Athenian imaginary of the fifth century. The citizen masses of this period saw their city as the major seapower in the Mediterranean and well understood that its formidable might and security rested on its navy. Fifth century Athenians also had a high regard of seamanship in general and great pride in the naval dominance of their city in particular. Indeed, superlative nautical skills were thought to be 'national' traits of the citizens of imperial Athens which they had enjoyed even in the esteemed age of the heroes. Contemporary citizen sailors themselves were also held to be the saviours of the city and were accorded extraordinary esteem and an exalted status if they perished at sea fighting for Athens. Finally, despite the fact that it directly contradicted their hoplite centred conception of bravery, fifth century Athenians firmly believed that fellow citizens serving as sailors could display gallantry in battle.

No description available.

This thesis is about ‘military manuals’ produced in the first few centuries of the Roman imperial period. It argues that these texts merit far more attention and appreciation than they have received in the scholarship so far. I will explore areas such as the way in which their authors order and rank Greek and Roman knowledge, engage with ideas about knowledge and power, help construct identity and discuss ethics and behavior. In the first chapter I will determine whether the authors operate within a specific ‘genre’, or ‘genres’, of military writing. Then I will explore how the texts relate to other traditions of technical texts, questions of audience, and finally the issue of their practicality. The second chapter will examine how authors tackle the issue of ‘Greek’ and ‘Roman’ knowledge, categorize, rank and use it for self-promotion. We will see how Roman knowledge is both subverted but also praised, and how Greek knowledge is at the same time placed above Roman knowledge and integrated into a narrative of continuity with it. The third chapter will focus on the use of Greek knowledge in the construction of Roman identity. I will explore how ‘manuals’ play a part in the identity of the Roman Empire, fitting into a picture of unity in diversity, and show how they contribute to Hadrian’s self-presentation. The fourth chapter will examine the ethical component in manuals. I will determine whether there was an ethical code of conduct in battle in the Classical world and whether it was different from general ethical norms. Then, we will examine whether our texts engage in any way with this ‘code’ and whether their individual approaches have anything in common or are fundamentally different.

Connue du milieu érudit des historiens, l’histoire romaine rejoint le grand public au XXe siècle sous diverses formes : cinéma, littérature, éducation et expositions. L’empereur Auguste est important dans cette histoire en transformant le monde romain. Né en 63 avant J.-C. et décédé en 14 après J.-C., Auguste devient le fondateur d’un nouveau régime politique, le Principat, remplaçant la République, et faisant d’Auguste le premier Empereur. Il marque ainsi l’histoire de l’Empire romain jusqu’à sa chute, et influencera encore vingt siècles plus tard tout le monde européen et occidental. En 1937, la Mostra Augustea della Romanità est une exposition italienne organisée sous le régime fasciste célébrant le caractère romain – la Romanità –, et voulant amalgamer Auguste à Mussolini. Cette exposition est analysée en comparaison avec deux autres expositions (Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik, Berlin, 1988; et Augusto/Moi, Auguste, Empereur de Rome, Rome/Paris, 2013/2014). La recherche s’intéresse à la représentation muséale d’Auguste et à l’articulation des expositions relativement à l’historiographie évoluant à chaque exposition. Les catalogues d’exposition constituent la principale source sur les artéfacts exposés, les thèmes, les recherches et la mise en récit. Chaque exposition est remise dans son contexte et comparée à l’historiographie contemporaine, centrée sur des ouvrages marquants de leur époque. Ainsi, ces expositions sont teintées par leur époque, mais influencent à leur tour la culture historique populaire et le milieu académique contemporains et futurs. Le travail muséologique n’est pas seulement une vulgarisation du discours historique pour le grand public, mais aussi un travail participatif à l’historiographie. / Known to the scholarly milieu of historians, Roman history reached the general public during the 20th century in various forms: cinema, literature, schools and museum exhibitions. The emperor Augustus is important in Roman history for his transformative role of the Roman world. Born in 63 BC and died in 14 AD, Augustus became the founder of a new political regime, the Principate, replacing the Roman Republic, and making Augustus the first Emperor. He thus marks the history of the Roman Empire until its fall, and will still influence the entire European and Western world twenty centuries later. In 1937, the Mostra Augustea della Romanità is an Italian exhibition organized under the fascist regime celebrating the “idea of Rome” – the Romanità –, and wanting to amalgamate Augustus with Mussolini. This exhibition is analyzed in comparison with two other exhibitions (Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik, Berlin, 1988; and Augusto/Moi, Auguste, Empereur de Rome, Rome/Paris, 2013/2014). The research focuses on the museum representation of Augustus and on the relation of the historiography still evolving with each exhibition. The exhibition catalogs are the main source for exhibited artifacts, themes, research, and storytelling. Each exhibition is put in its context and compared to their contemporary historiography, centered on outstanding works of their time. Thus, these exhibitions are tinted by their time, but in turn influence contemporary and future popular historical culture and as for academia. Museological work is not only popularization of historical discourse for the general public, but also participatory work in historiography.

Ce mémoire vise à mettre en lumière les raisons pour lesquelles de nombreux épisodes de comportement collectif violents se sont produits dans les contiones au cours du dernier siècle de la République romaine (133-44 av. notre ère). Pour y parvenir, nous avons fait appel à un cadre d’analyse spécialisé dans la compréhension des conflits intergroupes et utilisé depuis peu par les historiens : la psychologie sociale. Nous avons particulièrement employé la théorie de l’identité sociale parce qu’elle est considérée comme étant la plus complète pour expliquer les comportements intergroupes à l’échelle d’une société autant qu’à celle d’une foule. Il se trouve que l’apparition de la violence dans les contiones s’explique à la fois par des raisons liées au contexte politique, social et économique de la société romaine des deux premiers siècles av. notre ère que par des facteurs propres à ce type d’assemblée. En s’inspirant d’études récentes, notre analyse a commencé par montrer que le contexte politique et économique de Rome a provoqué des divisions entre les groupes qui la constituaient. En considérant cette fragmentation, nous avons pu reconnaître la présence de facteurs favorisant les conflits intergroupes à l’échelle macro. Nous avons ensuite étudié séparément les deux traits distinctifs des contiones (un public s’assemblait et un orateur discourait) afin de déterminer en quoi ils ont contribué à ce que des débordements violents surviennent. Notre analyse nous a permis d’avancer que les contiones étaient l’un des rares contextes dans lesquels les individus rassemblés classaient leurs pairs en fonction de leur appartenance à un groupe politique et où un orateur pouvait influencer les dynamiques qui se développaient entre ces groupes. Étant donné la situation troublée dans laquelle la société romaine se trouvait, les contiones constituaient un environnement propice à l’éclatement de conflits intergroupes. / This master’s thesis aims to shed light on why many episodes of violent collective behavior occurred in the contiones during the last century of the Roman Republic (133-44 BC). To get there, we have drawn on an analytical framework specialized in the understanding of intergroup conflict and recently used by historians: social psychology. We mainly used the Social Identity Theory because it is considered the most comprehensive in explaining intergroup behavior at both the societal and crowd levels. It turns out that the appearance of violence in the contiones can be explained both by reasons related to the political, social and economic context of Roman society in the first two centuries BC and by factors specific to this type of assembly. Drawing on recent studies, our analysis began by showing that the political and economic context of Rome caused divisions between the groups that constituted it. By considering this fragmentation, we were able to recognize the presence of factors that encouraged intergroup conflicts on a macro scale. We then looked separately at the two distinctive features of contiones (an audience assembled and a speaker discoursed) to determine how they contributed to violent outbursts. Our analysis suggested that contiones were one of the few contexts in which assembled individuals categorized their peers according to their political group membership and where a speaker could influence the dynamics that developed between these groups. Given the troubled state of Roman society, the contiones provided a fertile environment for intergroup conflict.

This research examines how, when and why the Romans assigned and defined the tasks of preparing and commanding fleets during the Republic. In doing so, it brings new evidence to bear on the wider debates about the nature of the prouincia and the institutional and administrative development of the Roman empire. The communis opinio is that a prouincia originally represented a functional “sphere of operation” that was allotted or assigned to a magistrate and that it only later developed a geographical meaning with territorial connotations through the process of “provincialisation.” This research challenges that view through an analysis of the evidence for the definition, assignment and practical use of the prouincia classis and other prouinciae connected with the command of fleets. Drawing upon and analysing the lists of administrative arrangements to be found in the “annalistic” sections of the surviving books of Livy’s History, it argues that prouinciae were defined in specific geographical and functional terms long before the development of permanent territorial empire. This offers a new perspective which points to and elucidates the flexible use of the prouincia as a means of separating magistrates and promagistrates in space or by function in space. It argues that the rationale for this was to limit conflicts between commanders over command and triumphal rights. By combining evidence from a wide range of sources after the loss of Livy’s History from 167, the research shows that the above rationale for demarcating prouinciae still applied in the first century B.C. However, it also demonstrates that there were significant changes with the assignment of vast Mediterranean-wide naval prouinciae in the first half of the first century B.C. It argues that the definition of these prouinciae was made possible by the development of a singular collective Mediterranean-wide ora maritima, which was brought about by the Romans’ increasing “acknowledgement of empire.” The negative political and institutional implications of these developments are also assessed. Finally, in discussing the above, this research also provides new insights into the role and auctoritas of the Senate, the function and freedom of magistrates, and the Romans’ conceptualisation of their empire.

Cette étude explore dans une perspective comparative la présentation historique et l’interprétation philosophique de la décadence de la res publica chez Salluste et Tite Live. Dans la première partie, il est montré que Salluste et Tite-Live sont les premiers auteurs à avoir choisi comme thème central de leur récit le progrès et la décadence d’une cité. À travers un examen précis des étapes de la décadence chez les deux auteurs, nous remarquons que Tite-Live apporte constamment des corrections à la théorie de Salluste. Le schéma d’aucun des deux historiens ne se conforme à une vision cyclique ou linéaire du temps. La représentation biologique de la cité montre aussi que les hommes sont les seuls responsables pour la maladie de la décadence. Or, la reprise du progrès, selon une conception cyclique et la guérison du corps de l’État sont évoquées comme perspectives seulement par Tite-Live. La deuxième partie est consacrée aux causes de la maladie de la décadence, et la troisième à la guérison de la res publica. Trois facteurs sont examinés en détail : les facteurs « divins », le metus hostilis et la nature humaine. Tite-Live renverse l’analyse de plus en plus pessimiste de Salluste, et réintroduit l’homme en tant que facteur principal de l’histoire et comme responsable de la décadence. Dans la troisième partie, leur vision différente de l’avenir de Rome est mise en lumière, à travers l’étude de la position politique et de la fonction exemplaire de l’œuvre des deux historiens. Il en ressort que Tite-Live adopte les catégories sallustéennes d’analyse, mais conçoit sa propre présentation et interprétation de la décadence en réponse à son devancier, dont il renverse les théories. / This study explores in a comparative perspective the historical presentation and the philosophical interpretation of the decadence of the res publica in Sallust and Livy. In the first part, it is shown that Sallust and Livy are the first authors who have chosen the progress and decline of a State as the central theme of their works. Through a precise examination of the stages of decadence in both writers, we observe that Livy constantly proposes corrections to Sallust’s theory. Neither author’s pattern conforms to a cyclical or a linear vision of time. The organicist representation of the body politic also shows that men are solely responsible for the disease of decadence in both authors. However, the resumption of progress according to a cyclical conception and the healing of the body of the State are considered as potential prospects only by Livy. The second part is devoted to the causes of the disease of decadence, and the third one to the healing of the res publica. Three factors are discussed in detail: the "divine" factors, the metus hostilis and the human nature. Livy reverses the increasingly pessimistic analysis of Sallust, and reintroduces man as the most important factor in history and as responsible for the decadence. In the third part, their different view of the future of Rome is brought into focus, through the study of the political position and the exemplary function of the two historians’ works. It is concluded that Livy adopts Sallustian categories of analysis, but he conceives his own presentation and interpretation of the decadence in response to his predecessor, whose theories he challenges.