This diploma thesis entitled "Social Pro-choice movement in Ireland and Switzerland" aims to gain insight into Pro-choice organizations as a social movement in the Republic of Ireland and Switzerland. At first I tried to define what I actually mean by term "pro-choice". I also outlined some of the definitions of social movements and theories that deal with social movements and give an insight into their research. The next chapter is already devoted to the Ireland. Here I present a brief history of the republic, political system, economy, language, religion, and especially the history of the abortion law. In the next subsection about Pro-choice organizations I am writing about the creation and development of Pro-choice organizations in this country. And finally there is also the research part of this work, which is focusing on the frame analysis of the leaflets. The third chapter focuses on Switzerland. In this section are the same chapters focused on the history, politics, economics, language, religion, history, abortion law history, Pro- choice organizations history and the frame analysis. In the last chapter, I compared these two countries from the point of view of the frame analysis, their success and I could not ignore the political and cultural system. Key words: social movement, Pro-choice,...

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study assesses the role of service delivery protests (SDPs) in promoting access to services such as water, electricity, and housing in Gugulethu and Khayelitsha, Cape Town. The study was conceptualised within the context of escalating frequency and scale of SDPs in South Africa. Although the first decade of democracy saw a decline in protests, some groups and movements protested. However, since 2005, when SDPs took national prominence, South Africa has experienced soaring levels of dramatic protests. This frequency of SDPs invites research. Why have SDPs (e.g., for housing, water, and electricity) increased despite the government promising a ‘Better life for all’ for nearly three decades, and how have they unfolded?

La realización de esta investigación se enfoca en los factores que involucraron la creacion del colectivo de protesta social contra la violencia hacia la mujer denominado “Ni una menos” en el Peru, en el año 2016. Ademas, explora las Características y construcción del mensaje del movimiento social feminista Ni Una Menos Perú, 2016 vía Facebook. La realizacion de esta movilizacion de exito en el pais, tuvo influencia de las redes sociales. Este espacio virtual es decir, Facebook permitio la union de diversos usuaios a partir de un mismo tema y un mismo objetivo en el que se dio a conocer el movimiento social en las redes. Por lo tanto, se concluye esta union en las redes de los usuarios con la marcha que vizibilizaba la violencia de genero. / The realization of this research focuses on the factors that involved the creation of the collective of social protest against violence against women called “Not one less” in Peru, in 2016. In addition, it explores the Characteristics and construction of the message of the Feminist social movement Ni Una Menos Perú, 2016 via Facebook. The realization of this successful mobilization in the country had the influence of social networks. This virtual space, that is, Facebook allowed the union of various users based on the same theme and the same objective in which the social movement was made known on the networks. Therefore, this union in user networks is concluded with the march that made gender violence visible. / Trabajo de investigación

This study addresses the decolonial program of the French party Les Indigènes de la République (PIR). By means of contemporary concepts of Coloniality, Decoloniality and decolonial resistance as theoretical framework and a qualitative content analysis as method for this study thirty articles of PIR authors that have been published from 2016 to 2018 are analysed in regard to the party’s particular understanding of racial inequality in French society, its conception of a decolonial society and its’ strategy for systemic change. The study asserts, how the PIR identifies a continuity of colonial ideology in the form of white universalism and supremacy as the source of racism in contemporary France and how it envisages an alternative, decolonial society based on multiversalism, cultural multiplicity and the refusal of hegemonic attitudes of one identity group towards another. Although the PIR is open for decolonial alliances the analysis shows, that the party insists on a primary non-white identity of its decolonial movement. The research concludes, that practical steps have to be taken in order to reach the PIR’s objective of a decolonial society.

The denial of the access to abortion has been addressed as a human rights issue. This thesis is based on a MFS- study with the aim to investigate women’s experiences of power and resistance in the movement for legalization of abortion in Argentina. The material for this thesis has been gathered by conducting semi-structured interviews with Argentinian women advocating for the right to abortion. Embodiment theory, Butler’s performative theory on assembly and theories on resistance are used in order to elicit the body’s role in the experiences of power and resistance. It is concluded that the body is not only seen as an object of submission but also understood as a tool for resistance. Power is understood as exercised over women’s bodies. However, when developing collective consciousness on patriarchal norms and structures, women gain power and are able to decide over their own bodies.

Since gaining independence from Colombia in 1903, Panama has witnessed both elitist democratic governments and authoritarian populist governments. The oligarchic system in place throughout much of Panama's history was a significant hindrance to real democracy taking hold within the country. Democracy was further set back by the inordinate power exerted by the US presence on the isthmus throughout the twentieth century. Omar Torrijos's time as head of the Panamanian government from 1969 to 1981 exhibited populist, paternalistic and personalistic characteristics. His government marked an attempt to establish a form of government based on popular democracy. While a number of social programs were implemented and the social welfare of a greater percentage of the population was generally improved during the years Torrijos was in power, his military regime did not ultimately institutionalize a model for democratic participation. This study argues that some form of popular democracy should replace the status quo in Panama. This would allow for genuine representation of a greater number of the population and in turn broaden the base of decision-making, something that has not been fully accomplished under previous authoritarian or democratic forms of government. The Torrijos regime was the first and only government in Panama to have attempted this move toward popular democracy. As such it is seen as a useful case study in examining its contributions to the political landscape and the political culture that makes up contemporary Panama. Deductions are made from it for the political future of the country in terms of the democratization process.

The majority of sociological research on social movement tactics and strategies has focused on how theories of resource mobilization and dynamic political opportunities affect the innovation of tactics and types of tactics used. Relatively few studies have explored the roles of institutional, cultural, and political contexts in determining why social movement leaders choose certain tactics. This research study examines lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) social movement organizations (SMO) that are pursuing institutional advocacy. Specifically, it is a comparative case study of how tactics of LGBT organizations in Minnesota and Utah are affected by contested and conservative political landscapes, respectively. The concept of political landscapes was developed and includes three core components: the institutional structure of the political system, the sociocultural context, and dynamic political opportunities. Data was collected from 16 semi-structured interviews of LGBT SMO leaders. Secondary data was also collected by examining public records, newspapers, magazines, and organizational websites. The results from this study suggest that dynamic political opportunities are embedded in the larger institutional and sociocultural contexts. In Minnesota, the combination of a more open and competitive political system and a more diverse Christian presence and ethnically diverse urban areas have resulted in the use of tactics that are much more open and direct. Specifically, LGBT SMOs in Minnesota use tactics such as only endorsing candidates publicly, focusing on building a broad bipartisan base of sponsors for LGBT legislation, working with other SMOs to create large coalitions, using a frame that is all-encompassing of movement goals, and building a large, grassroots movement. By contrast, the closed and conservative political system and a dominant religion in Utah have resulted in more private, compromising, and behind-the-scenes tactics. LGBT SMOs in Utah tactics include using both public and private political endorsements, good-cop bad-cop organizations, delegate trainings, and frame alignment with the conservative culture.

This study aims to examine the driving factors behind youth organizing in Swedish urban outskirts, known as ’förorten’. The national organization Förenade Förorter, which acts as a platform for local youth organizations located in ’förorten’, serves as a case to illustrate the connection between experiences of racism, autonomous self-organizing and political influence. The study is based on interviews with representatives of these local youth organizations as well as the central organization. The material is analyzed through a theoretical framework of postcolonial theory and theories of democratic participation and representation, using the policy-analysis tool What’s the problem represented to be combined with the ACTIE-model used to contextualize community initiatives. The study concludes that structural racism serves as the main reason behind the founding of Förenade Förorter and its member organizations. The organizing can be described as a decolonizing strategy, where knowledge, experiences and practices are shared between the people involved in the network in order to deal with a society incapable of providing equal opportunity for all. The network serves as a platform for agency and collective strength while building structures to challenge existing democratic institutions - by being more democratic. / <p>2022-06-10</p>

“There is an overconsumption in the Swedish society that affects all living and contributes with consequences for all. How does this affect us humans? How does it affect society and what consequences become visible? Today the main focus is on the environment and climate changes where the government and the media are responsible for what is being published. The focus is the entire population but is the government and the media doing a good job to reach out to everyone of its inhabitants? To get a first point of view of the situation we have chosen a subculture to investigate - a social movement, Extinction Rebellion. They are making headlines all over the world with their radical actions which both informs and scares the population. Our study will have its starting point in the theories of Zygmunt Bauman - The consumer society, Bert Klandermans &amp; Jacqueline van Stekelenburg - Social movements and Richard Jenkins - Social identity. By collecting empirical research by qualitative interviews, we would like to find an understanding that can explain why some people choose to deviate from the norm to act against society for the environment. The result indicate that people would like to change the society and that there is a genuine fear that is connected to the consumer society and its consequences. These consequences are the motivation for people to join a social movement, such as Extinction Rebellion.” / Det finns en överkonsumtion inom det svenska samhället som påverkar allt levande och bidrar med konsekvenser för alla. Hur påverkas människan? Hur påverkas samhället och vilka konsekvenser blir synliga? Det är idag stort fokus på miljön och klimatförändringar där staten och media väljer vad som publiceras. Deras inriktning blir mot hela befolkningen, men lyckas staten och media nå ut till alla invånare? För att få en inblick i hur situationen ser ut har vi valt att granska en subkultur - en social rörelse, Extinction Rebellion, som försöker skapa rubriker runt om i världen genom radikala aktioner som både informerar och skrämmer upp befolkningen. Studien har sin utgångspunkt i Zygmunt Baumans - konsumtionssamhället, Bert Klandermans &amp; Jacqueline van Stekelenburg - sociala rörelser samt Richard Jenkins - social identitet. Metoden som används är kvalitativa intervjuer som söker en förståelse för att förklarar varför vissa människor aktivt väljer att avvika från normer för att ta ställning mot samhället för miljöns skull. Resultatet pekar på att individer har en vilja att förändra samhället samt en genuin rädsla för det senmoderna konsumtionssamhällets konsekvenser. Dessa konsekvenser blir en faktor som motiverar människor till att gå med i en social rörelse som Extinction Rebellion.

Understanding how political parties and social movements interact and what are the results of these interactions is important for both scholars of Political Science and Sociology. This is particularly true for far-right actors since they are characterised by diverse ideological and organisational features. Understanding how parties and movements interact can help shed light on how these features develop and, ultimately, explain their success. In the dissertation a novel conceptualisation of party-movement interactions is presented, as well as a theory that aims to explain when parties and movements are more likely to develop stronger interactions on three different dimensions, frames, actions and organisations. This theory is tested by looking at two sets of far-right parties and movements, Lega Nord and CasaPound Italia in Italy and the United Kingdom Independence Party and the English Defence League in the United Kingdom. The analysis is carried out through a Political Claim Analysis and a document analysis of parties and movements documents for the period 2009-2019. The analysis finds that parties and movements have closer interactions on the frame dimension when issues they own gain prominence in the public debate and when political parties are weak electorally. In the actions dimension, interactions tend to be closer when parties are weak electorally and movement organisations moderate their repertoire of actions. Finally, in the organisational dimension, relations are closer when parties are weak electorally and in proximity of electoral campaigns. This research makes two contributions to the study of far-right parties and movements. The first is theoretical, for the paper advances a new theory of party-movement interactions that could be tested in different scenarios. The second is empirical, for the paper provides indications on when parties and movements are more likely to have closer interactions and how through these interactions they change and develop their features.