[pt] Este trabalho tem como objetivo examinar as histórias de três núcleos acadêmicos de estudos sobre a população negra no Brasil, conhecidos como NEAB s, com o intuito de discutir em que aspectos eles contribuem para o enfrentamento do Racismo no Brasil: CEAA, CEAB e NIREMA. Os NEAB s têm atuado, desde o surgimento do primeiro deles- o CEAA - na cena universitária do Rio de Janeiro como um espaço de reflexão e ação em que engaja pesquisadores e militantes em alguma atividade dirigida a combater o Racismo no país. Esses núcleos representam uma instância acadêmica de construção de conhecimento coletivo e interdisciplinar sobre a população negra e articulam os múltiplos discursos sobre as relações raciais que existem na academia, promovendo através das suas atividades e publicações a concretização desses discursos. Com diálogo sempre aberto com as militâncias sociais negras, acreditamos que os núcleos de estudos acadêmicos se diferenciam dessas por serem um sub-campo de conhecimento científico que os tornam espaços de construção de produção no que diz respeito às questões raciais. Optamos por uma metodologia qualitativa e analisamos essa história à luz de seis entrevistas concedidas no decorrer deste trabalho bem como a análise de alguns documentos sobre esses núcleos. Do ponto de vista conceitual, adotaremos os conceitos Racismo, raça, identidade e campo científico para sustentar nossas reflexões. / [en] The aim of this work is to learn the histories of three academic centers for Africandescendents studies in Brazil, known as the NEAB s - CEAA, CEAB and NIREMA - with the purpose of understanding the nature of their contribution to the struggle against Racism in Brazil. Since the birth of the first NEAB in Rio de Janeiro - the CEAA -, these centers have served as spaces for academic studies and social action, where researchers and militants combine efforts to fight against Racism in the country. These centers provide academic knowledge and an interdisciplinary point of view about the black population. Furthermore, the NEAB s articulates multiple social voices, by the promotion of academic activities and publications. We believe that the NEAB s are different from the militancy itself due to its character of scientific knowledge branch, which is consistently opened to the social black movement representatives. Therefore, the main contribution of the NEAB s is to produce academic knowledge about the racial relations in Brazil. In terms of methodology, we used a qualitative approach to analyze six interviews granted by scholars related to the three centers under examination and a small set of documents about the history of those centers. The concepts that highlight this work are: Racism, race, identity and scientific knowledge branch.

[pt] O objetivo deste estudo foi discutir a trajetória da luta pela garantia dos direitos de cidadania das pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase, empreendida pelo Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas Atingidas pela Hanseníase, o Morhan, tendo como referência analítica o trabalho clássico de José Murilo de Caravalho sobre a construção dos direitos de cidadania no Brasil. A relevância acadêmica da investigação está em estudar um movimento social com as características do Morhan, predominantemente urbano, de abrangência nacional e representando forças sociais marginalizadas e, por que não dizer, estigmatizadas na sociedade brasileira. Além disso, o trabalho procura discutir a capacidade de mobilização e de articulação de um grupo social na luta pelos direitos civis, políticos e, mais especialmente, sociais, aspecto ainda recente na história política do país. Contudo a abordagem de um movimento social com tal magnitude está para além da necessidade de se descrever uma forma de se manifestar de um estrato da sociedade brasileira, mas é sem dúvida uma obrigação dos diferentes campos do saber tentar captar efeitos que estão e estarão no futuro, para muito além da história oficial, mas em essência na memória sofrida dessas pessoas, e que está fadada ao esquecimento, principalmente, porque infelizmente as pessoas que viveram o isolamento compulsório e que são a memória viva das adversidades provocadas por uma política higienista inconseqüênte, estão morrendo. Foi um grande desafio realizar um trabalho como esse, pois precisamos tentar descrever e analisar a organização de uma associação de pessoas em prol de uma causa, e que essa causa antes de qualquer ideal, tinha como premissa básica a simples preservação da vida, e hoje cerca de duas décadas depois da criação dessa organização, além dessas pessoas marcarem suas posições como cidadãos brasileiros por afirmação, ainda colecionam conquistas que as tornou visíveis em diferentes países do mundo. Como conclusão podemos dizer que o Morhan é majoritariamente um movimento social urbano, que tem sua trajetória marcada pela luta por direitos de cidadania das pessoas atingidas pela hanseníase. Essa luta tem maior ênfase no campo dos direitos sociais, pois em nossa viagem pelo tempo e espaço do Morhan essa luta é mais recente, mas também a mais intensa. Não que o movimento não ansiasse pelos direitos sociais desde o inicio de sua trajetória, mas em nossa pesquisa documental, só conseguimos perceber a materialização desta luta por direitos sociais no período mais recente. Mais precisamente do fim da década de 1990 aos dias atuais. Ademais, é importante ressaltar que para nossa surpresa, os outros direitos, civis e políticos, também tiveram destaque na trajetória de luta do Morhan, principalmente os direitos políticos. Fato este que nos permitiu perceber que um movimento social como o Morhan aponta para uma vitalidade da sociedade brasileira em sua luta por direitos. / [en] This study discusses the trajectory of the Reintegration Movement of People Affected with Hansen s Disease (Movimento de Reintegração das Pessoas Atingidas pela Hanseníase - Morhan) in its battle for citizenship rights for people suffering from leprosy, seen through the analytical reference of José Murilo de Caravalho s classic work on the building of citizenship rights in Brazil. The academic relevance lies in studying Morhan s characteristics: a predominantly urban, nationwide movement representing marginalized and stigmatized social forces. Furthermore, this study discusses a recent aspect of Brazil s political history, which is the great mobilizing and articulating ability of a social group in the battle for civil, political and, above all, social rights. However, approaching a social movement with such magnitude is beyond a description of a form of manifestation of a stratum of Brazilian society. Different fields of knowledge should undoubtedly try to capture effects that exist and will continue to exist in the future, beyond official history, the essence of these people s painful memories. And they are doomed to oblivion because, alas, people who survived compulsory isolation, and who are a living memory of the adversities of an inconsequential hygienist policy, are dying. It was a great challenge to conduct this study because it required describing and analyzing the organization of an association fighting for a cause that was first and foremost the preservation of life and now, twenty years after its creation, still collects triumphs of Brazilians who affirm their position as citizens and who have become visible in different parts of the world. In the final analysis, Morhan can be mostly said to be an urban social movement fighting for citizenship rights of people suffering from leprosy. This battle places more emphasis in the field of social rights, since this is Morhan s more recent albeit more intense battle. Truthfully said, the movement has pined for social rights since the beginning of its trajectory; however, our research only perceived the materialization of this battle for social rights as a recent phenomenon, particularly after the 1990 s. Moreover, is important to emphasize that to our surprise, the other rights, civil and political, were also highlighted in the path of struggle of Morhan, particularly political rights. This led us to believe that a social movement such as Morhan distinguishes vitality in Brazilian society in its battle for citizenship rights.

[pt] O tema deste trabalho está relacionado com as formas de interação entre Estado, ONG e movimento social. A proposta é uma observação ao longo do tempo de como o Programa Nacional de DST/Aids, movimento social de aids e movimento social travesti foram se construindo e se redesenhando no processo de interação política. Partindo da hipótese de que a partir das esferas de intermediação de interesses a interação entre Estado e sociedade pode promover o fortalecimento dos movimentos sociais e a legitimação do Estado, considerou-se as dinâmicas de entrelaçamento entre os atores a partir do entendimento de que são marcadas por relações de saber e poder que envolve, ao mesmo tempo, reciprocidade e assimetria. Ou seja, a política é instituinte desse processo no qual as identidades estão em construção. / [en] The theme of this work is related to the forms of interaction between State, NGOs and social movement. The proposal is an observation over time as the National STD / AIDS, the AIDS social movement and transvestite social movement were under construction and being redesigned in the process of political interaction. Assuming that from the spheres of interest intermediation, the interaction between State and society can promote the strengthening of social movements and the legitimacy of the State, it was considered the dynamics of entanglement between the actors from the understanding that they are marked by relations of knowledge and power that involves, at the same time, reciprocity and asymmetry. In other words, politics is instituting this process in which identities are under construction.

No

The indigenous of the Amazon region of Ecuador unite against the petroleum industry and destructive resource extraction practices in order to preserve environment and indigenous cultures. Since the 1990s, the indigenous movement of Ecuador has played out in the international arena and become a transnational movement, which includes social actors from the international legal, human rights, and environmental communities. This transnational movement exemplifies identity politics through the projection of ethnicity and essentialized signifiers of indigenousness. Indigenous actors, Ecuadoran nongovernmental organizations, international filmmakers, and US nongovernmental organizations all use ethnic identity and signifiers via documentaries and cyberspace as symbolic resources to represent the movement. This thesis explores the intersection of external actors (international community of filmmakers and NGOs) and internal actors' (the indigenous themselves and Ecuadoran NGOs) projection of ethnicity as symbolic resource. Utilizing resource mobilization theory and new social movement theory as a syncretic to understand the movement and theoretical contributions of identity and representation to explore the process of mobilization, the study explores the question of ethnic identity as symbolic resource in four documentaries and on fifteen websites. The discourse analysis of the four documentaries and content analysis of the fifteen websites illustrate that there is consistency in the message within the transnational social movement community of actors who strive to work for and on behalf of the indigenous of the Ecuadoran Amazon. / Master of Arts

The advances in social media and social computing technologies have dramatically changed the way through which people interact, organize, and collaborate. The use of social media also makes the large-scale data revealing human behavior accessible to researchers and practitioners. The analysis and modeling of social networks formed from relatively stable online communities have been extensively studied. The research on the structural and dynamical patterns of large-scale crowds motivated by accomplishing common goals, named the cyber movement organizations (CMO) or cyber-enabled social movement organizations (CeSMO), however, is still limited to anecdotal case studies. This research is one of the first steps towards the understanding of the CMO/CeSMO based on real data collected from online social media.The focus of my research is on the study of an important type of CMO/CeSMO, the crowd-powered search behavior (also known as human flesh search, HFS), in which a large number of Web users voluntarily gathered together to find out the truth of an event or the information of a person that could not be identified by one single person or simple online searches. In this research, I have collected a comprehensive data-set of HFS. I first introduce the phenomenon of HFS and reviewed the study of online social groups/communities. Then, I present the empirical studies of both individual HFS episodes and aggregated HFS communities, and unveiled their unique topological properties. Based on the empirical findings, I propose two models to simulate evolution and topology of individual HFS networks. I conclude the dissertation with discussions of future research of CMO/CeSMO.

爭議多年的樂生療養院拆遷事件，2007年在網路上引發強大的保留聲浪，部落客主動採訪、報導、串連、評論，讓樂生議題受到主流媒體及政治人物的矚目，進而影響政府決策。在公民新聞並不盛行的台灣，這些具有報導性質的書寫，展現了極大的公民媒體能量。 　　本論文從傳統的公民新聞意理出發，蒐集近年國內外重要的網路公民新聞經驗，探看網路時代公民新聞的變與不變；進而以樂生保留運動為主要案例，紀錄此一公民新聞浪潮爆發、凝聚力量、展現人氣的過程，這些積極的網路使用者運用Web2.0平台工具、在線上及線下活躍串流，讓他們適時填補主流媒體忽視的公共議題，形成一種公民傳播體系。他們的實踐經驗，也隱然投射出台灣公民社會的「運動型媒體」趨勢。 / The incident of Lo-Sheng Sanatorium has caused a dispute amongst our people for many years now. And when the incident aroused the support of majority to preserve the sanatorium through the world-wide web in 2007, bloggers began to voluntarily interview, report, link, and comment on the subject matter, which attracted the attention of mainstream media and political figures. And these attentions even affected the government’s final decision. In the land of Taiwan where civic journalism was not popular, these newsworthy articles show how great the power is of civic journalism. 　　This thesis starts with the traditional concept of civic journalism, introducing important cases on the web from all over the world and to probe into the constancy and inconstancy of civic journalism in the internet era. With the incident of Lo-Sheng Sanatorium as the main subject matter of this thesis, we’ll recount the process in which this citizen news broke-out, united citizen strengths and gained news value. These enthusiastic internet users made use the Web 2.0 tools to actively link everyone together, whether online or offline. They can also work as the supplement to the mainstream media and provide the news that was overlooked, which has now developed into some kind of citizen media system. This realization has also projected the trend of Taiwan society’s event-related media.

Drawing on my own process of entry into local queer, lesbian and feminist public cultures, I argue that a powerful relationship between feminist and lesbian existence can be felt and that this sensibility bears influence on the way queer erotic and politicized identities emerge in relation to one another. These affective links remain frequently unacknowledged and/or are actively repudiated due to popular accounts of feminist genealogy whereby second wave lesbian-feminist positions are rendered fundamentally incompatible with contemporary queer/third wave feminist ones. I challenge this narrative by building on select early articulations of radical lesbian feminism to show that when affirmed consciously, the sense that lesbianism and feminism are interconnected constitutes a “woman-identified experience” and an opportunity to bear witness to the unrealized possibilities of second-wave radical feminism in the present. I conclude that politicized “lesbian” and/or “woman” identification remain indispensable strategic sites from which to observe and confront heteropatriarchy.

Šiame darbe buvo siekiama ištirti Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdžio susiformavimą Šiaulių ir Trakų rajonuose, keliant klausimą, ar Sąjūdžio mikro tinklas susikūrė ant anksčiau egzistavusių socialinių tinklų pagrindo ir kas lėmė jo spartų išsiplėtimą. Sąjūdžio organizacinės prielaidos tiriamos remiantis socialinių tinklų analizės metodologine prieiga. Sąjūdžio susiformavimas tiriamas dviem analizės pjūviais: mikro tinklo ir individo lygmeniu. Mikro tinklo analizės pjūvis padės išsiaiškinti, kokių socialinių tinklų pagrindu kūrėsi Sąjūdžio rėmimo grupės, tarybos Trakų ir Šiaulių rajonuose. Pravartu tirti mikro tinklų lygmeniu, nes jis parodo vidinę kolektyvinio veiksmo dinamiką ir tarp tinklo narių esančią tarpusavio santykių konfigūraciją Šis analizės lygmuo parodo, kaip iš gana statiško socialinės struktūros transformuojamasi į dinamišką kolektyvinį veiksmą. Individo lygmuo padeda suvokti sąjūdiečių įsitraukimo į masinio judėjimo mikro tinklą motyvus, socialinės aplinkos patirties reikšmę (atsižvelgiant į baimės, pasitikėjimo faktorius) mikro tinklo vaidmenis, Šiaulių ir Trakų rajonų vietos specifikos įtaka mikro tinklo kūrimuisi.. Remiantis socialinių tinklų teorija tiriama mikro tinklo formavimosi pradiniame etape vidinė struktūra bei pačių sąjūdiečių vaidmuo, ryšių tipų įtaka. Darbe buvo keliama hipotezė, jog periferijos vietovėse gana ankstyvą Sąjūdžio mikro tinklų susikūrimą lėmė anksčiau egzistavę vietos problemos tinklai, o gana vėlyvą mikro tinklo susiformavimą įtakojo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of this work was to analyze The Formation of Lithuanian Reform Movement by raising a question whether the Reform Movement micro-network formed on the preexisting network basis and what had a reason for its extention. The assumptions of the Reform Movement are analyzed through the methodological access of the social network analysis. The formation of the Reform Movement is analyzed in two sections: the micro-network and individual level. Micro-network analysis section will help to examine on what social network The Reform Movement support groups were forming in Šiauliai and Trakai districts. It is worthwhile to investigate the micro-level network because it reflects the internal dynamics of collective action among network members and the relationship between existing configuration. This level of analysis shows how the relatively static social structure transforms into a dynamic collective action. The individual level helps to find out the reasons of involvement in the mass movements of micro-network, social environment practises (taking into account the fear, confidence factors), also helps to find out the impact of Šiauliai and Trakai districts for micro-network formation. The structure of micro-network formation and the role of people acting in the movement were analyzed using the social network theory. In this work there was hypothesized that the formation of micro-networks was influenced by early local network problems and interpersonal networks. Social network... [to full text]

The work examines formation of the Catholic Church's social teaching from the end of the nineteenth century until the end of the World War II. It pays attention to official documents denoting its realm as well as to the response to the programme within the Belgian milieu. On the example of La jeunesse ouvrière chrétienne the work tries to indentify foundations of the Church's social teaching along with changes, shifts and adaptations that appeared in their unique form in the JOC movement. The work also notices origins, formation and development of JOC itself. This historic and religious topic is set in wider social and cultural context. Latter part of the work is devoted to particularities in the acceptance of Church's social teaching in Czechoslovakia in between the world wars.