This dissertation presents a theoretical framework about which voters parties distribute to and with which policies. To develop this full framework of distributive policies, the dissertation proceeds in two stages. First, it analyses which voters parties have more incentives to target distributive policies. Second, it also develops the conditions under which political parties can focus exclusively on these voters or need to combine this strategy with appeals to a broader electorate. The first part of the argument analyses which voters parties have at the centre of their distributive strategies, or, in the words of Cox and McCubbins (1986) to whom parties will give an available extra dollar for distribution. The argument is that core voters provide more efficient conditions for distribution, contradicting Stokes’ (2005) claim that a dollar spent on core voters is a wasted dollar. The explanation is twofold. First, core supporters might not vote for another party, but they can get demobilised. Once we include the effects on turnout, core voters are more responsive. Their party identification makes them especially attentive and reactive to economic benefits provided by their party. Secondly, incumbents cannot individually select who receives a distributive policy, and not all voters are equally reachable with distributive policies. When a party provides a policy, it cannot control if some of those resources go to voters the party is not interested in. Core supporters are more homogenous groups with more definable traits, whereas swing voters are a residual category composed by heterogeneous voters with no shared interests. This makes it easier for incumbents to shape distributive benefits that target core voters more exclusively. These mechanisms define the general distribution hypothesis: parties will focus on core voters, by targeting their distributive strategies to them. The second part of the dissertation develops the conditions under which politicians stick to this distributive strategy or, instead, would provide more universalistic spending to a more undefined set of recipients. The conventional argument explaining this choice relies on the electoral system, arguing that proportional systems give more incentives to provide universalistic policies than majoritarian systems. This dissertation challenges this argument and provides two other contextual conditions that define when parties have a stronger interest in their core supporters or in a more general electorate. First, the geographic distribution of core supporters across districts is a crucial piece of information to know the best distributive strategy. When parties’ core supporters are geographically concentrated, they cannot simply rely on them, as the party will always fall short of districts to win the election. Therefore, parties will have greater incentives to expand their electorate by buying off other voters. This should reduce the predicted differences between electoral systems in the provision of universalistic programmes. Secondly, the policy positions of candidates are a result of strategic considerations that respond to other candidates’ positions. Thus, I argue that parties adapt their distributive strategies to the number of competing parties, independently of the electoral system. In a two-party scenario, parties need broader coalitions of electoral support. In equilibrium, any vote can change the electoral outcome. As more parties compete, the breadth of parties’ electorates is reduced and parties will find narrow distributive policies more profitable. In summary, the main contribution of this dissertation one is to provide a new framework to study distributive politics. This framework makes innovations both on the characterisation of swing and core electoral groups, and the rationale of parties’ distributive strategies, contributing to advance previous theoretical and empirical research.

Oportunidades is a Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) that uses a proxy means-test targeting model to select eligible households for the programme. According to the Income and Expenditure Household Survey of 2008, approximately two in every three eligible rural households participate in Oportunidades, whereas only one in every three eligible urban households receives the Oportunidades cash transfer. This research explores the factors behind this lack of take-up, the costs of participation and the implications of targeting inefficiency on the programme’s impact on income poverty. It argues that a sample selection model is a pertinent tool of analysis as it informs on the distribution of cash transfers conditional on household eligibility. This conditional distribution is also used to understand the costs of participation as a latent variable. Eligible households are less likely to invest in human capital and neither the cash transfer nor the income forgone by children and teenagers are sufficient to overcome these costs of participation. By identifying a method to quantify behavioural change of households, I associate the costs of participation to the difficulties of inducing health-related behavioural change among recipients and eligible non-recipients. At an aggregate state level, targeting inefficiency is not fully explained by only looking at the budget constraints of the programme. In fact, targeting efficiency is positively associated to aggregate behavioural change and negatively associated to aggregate costs for participation at state level. Yet, targeting efficiency does not guarantee impact on income poverty and Oportunidades’ highest impact on income poverty also associated with the inclusion of non-eligible households in the programme. This research reconsiders the importance of the context in which CCTs are implemented and informs on the conflicting aims of CCTs: providing income poverty relief via cash transfers and incentivizing behavioural change by conditioning the cash transfer in health and education investment.

Cette recherche porte sur l’impact de la politique d’activation des prestataires d’aide sociale sur la santé et le bien-être des mères seules. Au Québec, un prestataire d’aide sociale dont le plus jeune enfant est âgé de moins de cinq ans est considéré comme ayant des contraintes temporaires à l’emploi. À la première rentrée scolaire de cet enfant, ce même prestataire est considéré apte à l’emploi, car Emploi-Québec juge qu’il s’agit du moment le plus opportun pour un retour au travail. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous avons analysé ce que ce moment de transition représentait pour les mères seules en termes de nouvelles relations au marché du travail et de tensions éventuelles associées à ces relations. Nous avons rencontré 13 mères seules prestataires de l’aide sociale en entrevues. Les données obtenues nous ont aidée à remplir les objectifs de cette recherche, qui étaient de 1) reconstruire les trajectoires d’insertion sur le marché du travail des mères seules rencontrées en mettant l’accent sur le moment de la transition et de 2) saisir les processus par lesquels les trajectoires d’insertion ont un impact sur la santé et le bien-être de cette population. Nous avons d’abord trouvé que la « relation à l’aide sociale » avait des effets négatifs sur la santé et le bien-être de nos répondantes, et ce, en raison essentiellement des normes de l’aide sociale à l’origine des bas niveaux de prestations. En ce qui concerne les effets du processus d’activation en lui-même sur la santé et le bien-être des mères seules, nous avons observé que la participation à des mesures d’activation dans des organismes communautaires en employabilité avait des effets positifs surtout sur le bien-être des mères seules. Toutefois, le processus d’activation est également apparu comme ayant un impact négatif sur la santé et le bien-être des mères seules rencontrées en raison des tensions qui existent entre les exigences d’Emploi-Québec liées à la participation aux mesures actives et au manque de ressources disponibles pour les mères seules participant à ces mesures. / This research is about the impact of the active policy designed for social assistance recipients on lone mother’s health and well being. In Quebec, a social assistance recipient who has a child aged less than 5 receives a temporarily limited capacity allowance. When the child begins school, the lone mother is no longer considered to have limitations to work. Indeed, Emploi-Québec considers this time as the most suitable time to return to work. As part of this research, I analyzed what this moment of transition represented for lone mothers in terms of new employment relationships and possible employment strain. I have met 13 lone mothers who received social assistance within the past year. The data obtained via the interviews helped me meeting my research objectives, which were: 1) reconstruct the insertion trajectories of the lone mothers in the labour market, with emphasis on the moment of transition, and 2) understand the process by which these insertion trajectories have an impact on the health and well being of this population. I first found that the “social assistance relationship” had negative impact on the respondents’ health and well being. The causes for this are fundamentally the social assistance program’s standards that underlie the low level of allowances. Regarding the impact of the activation process itself on the health and well being of the lone mothers I met, I noted that the participation to active measures in community-based organizations specialized in employability programs had positive impact on them, especially on their well being. However, the activation process has also been recognized as having a negative impact on their health and well being because of the strain linked to Emploi-Québec’s demands related to the participation in active measures and to the lack of resources available to lone mothers participating to these measures.

This thesis consists of a short introduction and three self-contained analytical chapters. Chapter 1 focuses on the question of learning gaps and divergence in achievement across countries. I use unique child-level panel data from Ethiopia, India, Peru and Vietnam to ask at what ages do gaps between different populations emerge, how they increase or decline over time, and what the proximate determinants of this divergence are. I document that learning gaps between the four countries are already evident at the age of 5 years and grow throughout the age trajectory of children, preserving country ranks from 5 to 15 years of age. At primary school age, the divergence between Vietnam and the other countries is largely accounted for by substantially greater learning gains per year of schooling. Chapter 2 focuses on learning differences between private and government school students in India. I present the first value-added models of learning production in private and government schools in this context, using panel data from Andhra Pradesh. I examine the heterogeneity in private school value-added across different subjects, urban and rural areas, medium of instruction, and across age groups. Further, I also estimate private school effects on children's self-efficacy and agency. I find modest or insignificant causal effects of attending private schools in most test domains other than English and on children's academic self-concept and agency. Results on comparable test domains and age groups correspond closely with, and further extend, estimates from a parallel experimental evaluation. Chapter 3 uses panel data from the state of Andhra Pradesh in India to estimate the impact of the introduction of a national midday meal program on anthropometric z-scores of primary school students, and investigates whether the program ameliorated the deterioration of health in young children caused by a severe drought. Correcting for self-selection into the program using a non-linearity in how age affects the probability of enrollment, we find that the program acted as a safety net for children, providing large and significant health gains for children whose families suffered from drought.

A forma como os frutos do desenvolvimento econômico são distribuídos entre as pessoas está fortemente relacionado ao bem estar. Conforme visto na seção 2, o Brasil apresenta uma das piores distribuições de renda do planeta, sendo essa uma fonte constante de problemas sociais. A bibliografia levantada no trabalho mostra que a combinação entre mão-de-obra pouco qualificada com um sistema produtivo moderno tem sido o principal fator gerador dessas desigualdades. Através da utilização do sitema de matrizes de insumo-produto para o Brasil estimadas para 2002, combinadas com dados das pesquisas de orçamentos familiares - POF e da pesquisa nacional por amostra de domicílios - PNAD, o trabalho estimou os impactos que alterações na demanda dos setores de atividade econômica provocam sobre a distribuição de renda brasileira; o instrumental utilizado foi o modelo Leontief-Miyazawa. Os resultados encontrados mostram que alguns setores econômicos como, por exemplo, construção civil e vestuário, são redutores de desigualdades de renda. Por outro lado, setores como prestação de serviço a empresas e instituições financeiras agravam o quadro distributivo. Quando se avaliou o resultado nas cinco macro-regiões brasileiras, viu-se também que algumas dessas regiões, caso sejam estimuladas, podem desempenhar importante papel na redução das desigualdades brasileiras, destacando-se a Região Nordeste, onde esses efeitos possuem maior magnitude. Os setores que possuem maior potencial redutor de desigualdades são, respectivamente, serviços privados não mercantis e agricultura, ambos na região Nordeste. Por outro lado, as regiões Centro- Oeste e Sudeste, quando estimuladas, agravam o problema distributivo brasileiro na maioria de seus setores de atividade econômica. Dentro dessas regiões, os setores mais concentradores são as instituições financeiras, os serviços prestados às empresas (Região Sudeste) e Administração Pública da região Centro-Oeste. A adoção de investimentos em educação, conforme visto no trabalho, leva a uma melhora significativa na redução das desigualdades, no entanto, esse tipo de política tem um longo período de maturação. Dada a urgência do problema da distribuição de renda brasileira, a combinação de políticas compensatórias do tipo "Bolsa-Família", que possuem efeito de curto prazo, associadas a políticas que incentivem setores chaves da economia em determinadas regiões, podem ter um efeito redutor de desigualdade, enquanto a política educacional ainda não conseguir atingir seus objetivos. / The way that the results of the development are distributed among the people is strongly related to their welfare. As seen in section 2, Brazil shows one of the worst income distribution in the world, which generates a constant source of social problems. The references used in this work show that the combination of a low qualified labor force with a modern productive sector has been one of the main sources of these inequalities. Using an input-output system for the Brazilian economy, estimated for 2002, combined with data from the surveys on household budgets - POF and household - PNAD, this work estimated the impacts that changes in the final demand of the sectors will have in the Brazilian income distribution, the methodology used is based on the Leonfief- Miyazawa model. The results show that some of the economic sectors contribute to the reduction in the income inequalities, like civil construction and apparel. On the other end, sectors like services rendered to the enterprises and financial institutions contribute to the worsening of the income distribution. The results for the five Brazilian macro regions show that if some of the regions are stimulated, this could have a important role in the reduction of the Brazilian inequalities, the Northeast region stands out in this case. The sectors that have the great potential in reducing inequalities are private services and agriculture, both in the Northeast region. On the other hand, the Central West and Southeast regions, on the majority of their sectors, when stimulated, increase the distributive problem. Inside these regions, the sectors that concentrate the most are financial institutions and services rendered to the firms (Southeast), and public administration (Central West). The adoption of investment in education, as saw in the work, leads to a significant reduction in the inequalities; however, this kind of policy has a long time of maturation. Given the urgency of the income distribution in the Brazilian economy, the combination of compensatory policies of the type "Household Subsidies", that have a short time effect, associated with policies of incentive to key sectors in the economy, in selected regions, could have a effect to reduce inequality, while the educational policy has not yet reached its goals.

Bien que n'ayant ni les mêmes résultats ni les mêmes traditions en matière de protection sociale, la France, l'Espagne et les Pays-Bas ont tous mis en œuvre des réformes d'« activation » de leurs politiques sociales dans les années 2000. Ces réformes ont-elles été guidées par des objectifs et des attendus comparables ? « L'activation » a-t-elle eu des effets similaires sur les systèmes de protection sociale ? S'ils sont similaires, les changements communs peuvent-ils être imputés à des facteurs communs ? La thèse traite ces trois questions principales en adoptant une approche théorique et méthodologique attentive aux facteurs sociaux et cognitifs du changement en matière de politiques sociales. En croisant l'étude des dispositifs publics et des textes officiels avec des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés dans quatre pays et à plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement (n=71), l'analyse comparée des réformes sociales « actives » permet de tirer deux conclusions principales : les cadres cognitifs, les instruments et les objectifs des politiques sociales tendent à se rapprocher sous l'effet des réformes d'« activation » menées dans les années 2000 en France en Espagne et aux Pays-Bas, et cette convergence a été favorisée par des mécanismes communautaires mis en œuvre dans le cadre de la Stratégie Européenne pour l'Emploi. / L'auteur n'a pas fourni de résumé en anglais.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vagner Carrara.pdf: 846269 bytes, checksum: cbcd2586c5501ccfe3ee970eebc7ff4b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-25 / The aim of this study is to analyze the evolution of income distribution in Brazil between 1995 and 2009. Basically, the literature research was adopted as research procedure. To enhance understanding of this task a theoretical basis about income distribution is presented, as well as a historical background to the early 1990s, and an investigation of the economic and social policies adopted by successive governments in the reference period. The first result is the stability of inequality in income distribution during the 1990s, derived mainly from the present difficulties in the labor market, the fruit of productive restructuring and the economic policies adopted, particularly the use of exchange rate policy to control inflation. The increase in social expending with the executions of the determinations of the Constitution of 1988, mainly social benefits, allowed this stability inequality. In the 2000s, fortunately, the income distribution had a significant improvement detected annually through the household survey (PNAD). The continued expansion of social expending through implementation of income transfer programs, the improvement of the minimum wage, and the recovery of formal jobs in the labor market explain a significant part of the fall of the indices of inequality. The income transfer policies, mainly from the Benefício de Prestação Continuada and the Bolsa Família programs, have increased the share of income not derived from labor in the formation of total income. The progressivity of this category of income and the reduction in the concentration of labor income were the main determinants of this improvement in income distribution / O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a evolução da distribuição de renda no Brasil no período entre 1995 e 2009. Adota-se como procedimento de pesquisa basicamente a pesquisa bibliográfica. Para facilitar a compreensão desta tarefa é apresentada uma base teórica sobre a distribuição de renda, uma contextualização histórica até o início da década de 1990, e, investigadas as políticas econômicas e sociais adotadas pelos sucessivos governos no período de referência. O primeiro resultado obtido é a estabilidade da desigualdade na distribuição de renda durante a década de 1990, derivada principalmente das dificuldades presentes no mercado de trabalho, fruto da reestruturação produtiva e da política econômica adotada, particularmente da utilização da política cambial para o controle inflacionário. O aumento do gasto social com as execuções das determinações da Constituição Federal de 1988, principalmente os benefícios sociais, possibilitou esta estabilidade na desigualdade. Na década de 2000, felizmente, a distribuição de renda obteve uma significativa melhora, detectada anualmente pela Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios (PNAD). A continuidade da expansão do gasto social através da implementação dos programas de transferência de renda e da valorização do salário mínimo, e a recuperação dos empregos formais no mercado de trabalho explicam parte significativa da queda dos índices de desigualdade. A política de transferência de renda, principalmente do Benefício de Prestação Continuada e do Programa Bolsa Família, aumentou a participação das rendas não derivadas do trabalho na formação da renda total. A progressividade dessa categoria de renda e a redução da concentração da renda do trabalho foram os principais determinantes desta melhoria na distribuição da renda

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Alessandra.pdf: 738148 bytes, checksum: 96e867ff3c087a26e8a9a6d1ecb9ac72 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-12 / The theme of this paper is the Evaluation of the effectiveness of the Family Grant Program in the municipality of Pelotas, RS . The research involved the application of questionnaires to 50 beneficiaries served by two Social Assistance Reference Centers. The purpose of the study was to verify if the objectives of the Family Grant program are being reached in the municipality. It focused on three issues: a) do the beneficiaries have information about the program operations, in particular the conditions for participation, or that is, is access being granted to these social policies? b) Is a real opportunity created to reduce poverty or is it simply maintained in a dependent and compensatory manner? c) Does the program offer a situation that guarantees social and citizenship rights based on entrance to the program and permanence of the benefits of the Family Grant Program? The research focused on both quantitative and qualitative issues. After the questionnaires were applied, there was an analysis of the content and an interpretation of data. The analysis allowed organizing and summarizing the data to provide responses to the problems proposed by the study. The quantitative data were submit to statistical treatment that allowed creating a profile of the beneficiaries served by the Family Grant Program A qualitative analysis of the data was then conducted, which looked at the following issues: access to Social Policies, Citizenship and Social Rights / O trabalho teve como tema Avaliação da eficácia do Programa Bolsa Família no município de Pelotas-Rs , foi contextualizado teoricamente e realizado uma pesquisa, foram aplicados 50 formulários aos beneficiários atendidos pelos dois Centros de Referência da Assistência Social. A pesquisa teve propósito de verificar se os objetivos do PBF estão sendo atingidos no município de Pelotas: a) Os beneficiários possuem as informações quanto ao funcionamento do PBF, em especial quanto às condicionalidades, ou seja, está ocorrendo o acesso a essas políticas sociais? b) Há uma perspectiva de rompimento com a redução de pobreza ou meramente manutenção desta, de forma clientelista e compesatória? c)O programa tem propiciado uma situação de garantia dos direitos sociais e de cidadania a partir do ingresso e permanência dos beneficiários no PBF? A pesquisa utilizada foi quantiqualitativa, depois de aplicados os instrumentos, se realizou a análise de conteúdo e a interpretação dos dados. A análise dos dados possibilitou organizar e sumariar os dados de forma tal que possibilitem o fornecimento de respostas ao problema proposto para a investigação. Os dados quantitativos foram submetidos a tratamento estatístico e permitiram realizar o perfil dos beneficiários atendidos pelo Programa Bolsa Família. Após foi feito analise dos dados qualitativos, que tiveram como eixos os seguintes temas: Acesso as Políticas Sociais, Cidadania e Direitos Sociais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciane 9165.pdf: 2596781 bytes, checksum: 4bd40c3c287681687fa9dbf6991e6faf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-30 / This theoretical construct press match the scientific criteria required by the Evaluation Committee of the Master's Degree in Social Policy of the Universidade Católica de Pelotas. Search from the scientific and technical excellence present the results obtained from a literature review and documentary focusing on the Logic of Violence Prevention inserted into a neoliberal economic model. The research was built upon the filing and prosecution of the proposed implementation of the Violence Prevention Program proposed by the Government of the State of Rio Grande do Sul and the concept of violence in which to consolidate policies, programs and projects that propose its prevention and coping. The research has the general objective "to reveal the factors that characterize the conflict drawn from the proposal to implement a program of Prevention of Violence in a society whose dominant economic model follows the neoliberal ideology." Set in a qualitative research, oriented from the perspective of critical dialectical method, which documents constitute the target of research articles, theses, classical references, the National Policy for Reduction of Morbidity and Mortality from Accidents and Violence and the proposed base of the Prevention Program Violence of the State of Rio Grande do Sul. Guided by the theoretical assumption of violence as an intrinsic process of the neoliberal economic model discusses the issue violence from the structural approach and the concept of human rights violations, dialoguing with the totality and concreteness to extracting the object its multiple determinations in search of its essence. The survey results revealed peculiarities of the PPV / RS that match the logic of neoliberal, and establish new contradictions. The factuality of the research is established in the introduction of the structural factor in the debate and economic assessment of violence to a new paradigm for planning strategies for preventing and addressing violence in the context of social policies / O presente construto teórico prima corresponder aos critérios de cientificidade exigidos pela Banca Avaliadora do Curso de Mestrado em Políticas Sociais da Universidade Católica de Pelotas. Busca a partir da excelência técnica e cientifica apresentar os resultados obtidos a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental com enfoque na Lógica da Prevenção da Violência inserida num modelo econômico neoliberal. A pesquisa foi construída a partir da apresentação e acompanhamento da proposta de implementação do Programa de Prevenção da Violência do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul e da concepção de violência sob a qual se consolidam as políticas, programas e projetos que propõem a sua prevenção e enfrentamento. A pesquisa tem por objetivo geral revelar os fatores que caracterizam a contradição estabelecida a partir da proposta de implementação de um Programa de Prevenção da Violência do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul em uma sociedade cujo modelo econômico dominante segue a ideologia neoliberal . Configura-se em uma pesquisa qualitativa, orientada sob a perspectiva do método dialético critico, cujos documentos alvo da pesquisa se constituem de artigos, teses, referenciais clássicos, a Política Nacional de Redução de Morbimortalidade por Acidentes e Violências e a proposta base do Programa de Prevenção da Violência do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Orientada pelo pressuposto teórico da violência enquanto um processo intrínseco do modelo econômico neoliberal discute a questão violência a partir do enfoque estrutural e do conceito de violação de direitos, dialogando com a totalidade e concreticidade a fim de extrair do objeto as suas múltiplas determinações, em busca de sua essência. Os resultados da pesquisa evidenciaram peculiaridades do PPV/RS que correspondem à lógica neoliberal, e estabelecem novas contradições. A factualidade da pesquisa se estabelece na introdução dos fatores estrutural e econômico no debate da violência para proposição de um novo paradigma de planejamento de estratégias de prevenção e enfrentamento da violência no âmbito das políticas sociais Palavras-Chave: Violência. Prevenção. Neoliberalismo. Políticas Sociais. Direitos sociais.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:26:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rafgnin.pdf: 1511118 bytes, checksum: 6ff3c4b2803de18f7480d275481ff839 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-10 / This study seeks to analyze the Participative Legislation Committee of the House of Representatives, under the bias of the proposition, organized civil society, suggestions related to social policies, between the years 2001 to 2011. Therefore, initially there will be a review of the literature on what has to be democracy, so that one can understand the various existing types, as well as the principles necessary for democracy to take effect. There will be an approach about direct democracy, as well as indirect democracy (representative). After, it will analyze historically the National Constituent Assembly which culminated in the 1988 Federal Constitution, because it wants to be shown that the mechanisms of popular participation inserted in art. 14, I, II and III of the Magna Carta exhibit large compared with the composition of the Parliamentary Assembly. Does lectured also on Brazilian democracy, which is, participatory, as well as on the mechanisms included in Items I, II and III of art. 14 of the Constitution. All precepts to date is necessary so that you can understand the reasons why the Commission Participative Legislation was created. Want you, therefore, with this Master's thesis committee can verify that this indeed reach its true purpose / O presente estudo analisa a Comissão de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados, sob o viés da proposição, pela sociedade civil organizada, de sugestões relacionadas a políticas sociais, entre os anos de 2001 a 2011. Para tanto, inicialmente será realizada uma revisão de literatura sobre o que vem a ser democracia, para que se possa compreender os vários tipos existentes, assim como os princípios necessário para que a democracia seja efetivada. Será realizada uma abordagem acerca da democracia direta, assim como da democracia indireta (representativa). Analisa a história da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte que culminou com a Constituição Federal de 1988, pois com isso quer-se mostrar que os mecanismos de participação popular inseridos no art. 14, I, II e III da Magna Carta apresentam larga relação com a composição parlamentar da Assembleia. Enfatiza, também, a democracia brasileira, qual seja, a participativa, assim como a respeito dos mecanismos inseridos nos incisos I, II e III do art. 14 da Constituição. Todo o preceituado até o presente momento se faz necessário para que seja possível compreender os motivos pelos quais a Comissão de Legislação Participativa foi criada. Pretende-te, portanto, com esta dissertação de Mestrado verificar se esta comissão consegue, de fato, atingir o seu verdadeiro fim