Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-13T18:07:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 shislleneleitepedroso.pdf: 1372597 bytes, checksum: 8989dbf079f0f37984468f44c1bf5c49 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-04-24T03:21:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 shislleneleitepedroso.pdf: 1372597 bytes, checksum: 8989dbf079f0f37984468f44c1bf5c49 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-24T03:21:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 shislleneleitepedroso.pdf: 1372597 bytes, checksum: 8989dbf079f0f37984468f44c1bf5c49 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho discute as perspectivas e os desafios postos no atendimento a crianças e adolescentes que sofreram violência sexual no município de Juiz de Fora (MG). Partindo do ponto de análise das políticas sociais (Estado e sociedade civil), que constituem um conjunto de ações voltadas à proteção e defesa de direitos destes sujeitos, aborda a fluidez e as tensões presentes no fluxo de atendimento da rede socioassistencial designada a esta demanda. Por isso, a compreensão teórica da violência sexual e desta como alvo das políticas sociais é parte fundamental do trabalho, abordando o amadurecimento do Estado brasileiro quanto ao reconhecimento das necessidades da infância e juventude enquanto sujeitos de absoluta prioridade e alvos da proteção social. A isto, soma-se uma reflexão teórica sobre o fenômeno, sustentada em autores que problematizam a sua reprodução nas relações sociais (assimétricas), a se considerar as estruturas de poder e de hierarquia, bem como as desigualdades nas relações de geração, de gênero, classe e etnia. Nosso objetivo consiste em identificar e analisar as instituições que compõem a rede socioassistencial, no que concerne às atividades e procedimentos realizados, características materiais, objetivos, tipos de serviços ofertados e os fluxos percorridos pelos usuários e suas famílias. Através de uma pesquisa qualitativa, aplicada por meio da realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com coordenadores de instituições ou projetos relacionados ao objeto de estudo, se orienta a traçar um panorama da política de atendimento percorrendo desde o momento de notificação e denúncia, até os serviços prestados no âmbito do atendimento. Este último, na perspectiva que adotamos, compreendendo a atenção física, jurídica, psicológica, econômica e social prestada a todas as pessoas envolvidas em situação de violência sexual. Assim, esta dissertação prioriza a realização de um mapeamento dos caminhos percorridos pelos usuários e suas famílias no processo de atendimento ofertado através de políticas sociais, tendo por referência a proteção que preconizam os arranjos políticos e legislações protetivas da infância e juventude. / This work discusses the prospects and challenges posted in the care for children and teenagers who have suffered sexual violence in the city of Juiz de Fora (MG). From the analysis of social policies (government and civil society), which form a set of actions aimed at protecting and defending the rights of these individuals, it addresses the fluidity and tensions present in the flow of the social assistance network assigned to this demand. Therefore, the theoretical understanding of sexual violence and this targeting of social policies is a fundamental part of the work, addressing the maturing of the Brazilian State regarding the recognition of children's needs and youth as subject of absolute priority and targets of social protection. We have to add to it a theoretical reflection about the phenomenon, sustained in authors that question its reproduction in social relations (asymmetric), to consider the structures of power and hierarchy, and inequalities in the relations generation of gender, class and ethnicity. Our goal is to identify and analyze the institutions that make up the social assistance network, with respect to undertaken activities and performed procedures, material characteristics, objectives, types of offered services and flows that were covered by users and their families. Through a qualitative research, applied by conducting semi-structured interviews with coordinators of institutions or projects related to the subject matter, this study is oriented to give an overview of the assistance policy covering from the moment of notification and complaint until the services provided in the scope of attendance. This last one, with the view that we have adopted, including physical care, legal, psychological, economic and social provided to all persons involved in situations of sexual violence. Thus, this thesis gives priority to carrying out a mapping of the paths taken by users and their families in the care process offered through social policies, with reference to the protection that defend political arrangements and protective legislation for childhood.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-05T14:42:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 liviadesouzapiresbrum.pdf: 1315035 bytes, checksum: 7f0cc733fcacc33c2b3ec19253b1676d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-05T15:11:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 liviadesouzapiresbrum.pdf: 1315035 bytes, checksum: 7f0cc733fcacc33c2b3ec19253b1676d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-05T15:11:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 liviadesouzapiresbrum.pdf: 1315035 bytes, checksum: 7f0cc733fcacc33c2b3ec19253b1676d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-24 / O presente estudo visa apresentar a percepção de jovens em conflito com a lei acerca da medida socioeducativa de internação. O estudo foi feito com jovens que estiveram privados de liberdade no Centro Socioeducativo de Juiz de Fora (CSEJF), no período de 2008 a 2010. Apresenta-se aqui o contexto do envolvimento de adolescentes e jovens com a criminalidade na sociedade capitalista, considerando o que está posto no Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente e a direção das políticas sociais públicas para o atendimento a esse segmento. Objetiva-se também compreender como esses jovens percebem a experiência de privação da liberdade como mecanismo que os auxilie, ou não, a encontrar um novo projeto de vida que resgate sua condição de cidadãos no momento em que são desligados da instituição. Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo, empregando-se, como coleta de dados, entrevistas semiestruturadas com os jovens egressos da instituição mencionada. Com a apresentação da fala desses sujeitos, a pesquisa fornece elementos que levam à interpretação de como a operacionalização e a execução da medida socioeducativa de internação se expressam na realidade da política nacional de atendimento socioeducativo, no contexto de um Brasil neoliberal. Atenta também para a necessidade de maior envolvimento de todos os atores envolvidos nesse processo por garantir os direitos essenciais dos adolescentes e jovens que assumem, através da privação da liberdade, a responsabilização pelo envolvimento com a prática de ato infracional. / The present study aims to present the perception of youths in conflict with the law about the socioeducational measure of internment. The study was made with youths who were in custody at the Juiz de Fora Socioeducational Centre in the period from 2008 to 2010. We present here the context of adolescents and youths’ involvement with criminality in capitalist society, considering both what is said in the Statute of the Child and Adolescent and the direction of social public policies that attend this segment. The purpose is also to understand how these young people perceive the deprivation of liberty experience as a mechanism that helps them, or not, to find a new life project that rescue their citizenship when they are out of the institution. To do so, we conducted a field survey using as data collection semi-structured interviews with youths originated from the institution mentioned. With the presentation of the speech of these subjects, the study provides evidence that lead to the interpretation of how the socioeducational measure of internment operationalization and implementation express themselves in the reality of national policy for socioeducational care in the context of a neoliberal Brazil. It also considers the need for greater involvement of all participants involved in this process by ensuring the basic rights of adolescents and young people who take, through deprivation of liberty, the responsibility for involvement in the act of committing an infraction.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-16T13:37:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocostaperdigao.pdf: 864717 bytes, checksum: c0c2ff3bf72f2519661de2b7dcc07c9b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:21:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocostaperdigao.pdf: 864717 bytes, checksum: c0c2ff3bf72f2519661de2b7dcc07c9b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:21:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marcoaureliocostaperdigao.pdf: 864717 bytes, checksum: c0c2ff3bf72f2519661de2b7dcc07c9b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / O presente estudo objetiva analisar a intervenção profissional do Serviço Social nos Conselhos Municipais de Assistência Social da região metropolitana do Vale do Aço – MG. A Constituição Federal de 1988 estabeleceu, no cenário político brasileiro, uma nova dimensão para a efetivação dos preceitos democráticos, ou seja, a criação dos conselhos de direitos que permitem à sociedade civil participar diretamente da criação e condução das políticas públicas. Os incisos I e II do artigo 204 da CF/88 impõem o novo modelo para a condução da assistência social como direito do cidadão e como política de seguridade social. Fica assegurada uma gestão descentralizada e participativa da política, garantindo a possibilidade de democratizar os processos necessários ao cumprimento da lei maior. Com a regulamentação da Lei 8.742/93 (LOAS), o desenho ganha contornos mais nítidos no sentido de imprimir a participação da sociedade na formulação e controle das ações em todos os níveis de governo. Esse espaço concorreu para a diversificação e o alargamento de demandas para o trabalho do assistente social. Essas demandas e atividades podem ser desenvolvidas pelos assistentes sociais enquanto conselheiros ou assessor/consultor. O exercício profissional presente nos espaços conselhistas, pautado por uma inserção norteada pelo projeto ético político do Serviço Social, pode contribuir para construção dos interesses da classe trabalhadora e, concomitantemente, denunciar ações que restringem a constituição e implementação de políticas sociais universais, de qualidade e que não agregam práticas participativas e democráticas na gestão e execução. Tal estudo não tem a intenção de estabelecer um romantismo na intervenção do Serviço Social nos espaços conselhistas, muito menos de desconsiderar as necessárias problematizações políticas e teóricas na compreensão das atribuições, limites e possibilidades que cercam este lócus e o exercício profissional. / The present study focus on the analysis of Social Service Professional intervention in the councils of Vale do Aço – MG‟s metropolitan region cities. The Federal Constitution of 1988 has established a new dimension for promoting the democratic concepts in Brazilian political scenario, in other words, the creation of the councils of right that allow the civil society to directly participate in the creation and conduction of public politics. The 204 clause, items I and II, of the Federal Constitution of ‟88 impose a new model for the conduction of the social assistance as a right for the citizen and as politics of social security. It is assured a decentralized and participatory management of the politics, guaranteeing the possibility to democratize the necessary processes to the fulfillment of the major law. With the regulation of the Law 8.742/93 (LOAS), the picture gains clearer contours in the sense of impressing the participation of the society in the elaboration and control of the actions in all government levels. This situation has concurred for the diversification and the widening of demands for the work of the social assistant. These demands and activities can be developed by the social assistants as council members or consulting advisors. The actual professional practice in the council members field, lined by an insertion guided through the ethical-political project of the Social Service, can contribute concomitantly for the construction of the working class interests and to denounce actions that restrict the constitution and implementation of universal social politics of quality and actions that do not add practical democratic participation in the management and execution. This study does not intend to establish romanticism in the Social Service intervention in councilists spaces, nor to ignore the necessary political and theoretical problems concerning the understanding of the attributions, limits and possibilities surrounding this locus and the professional practice.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leonardo_Betemps_Kontz_Dissertacao.pdf: 2704376 bytes, checksum: 98df14af3fe614c48dea6dda077ea7da (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-10 / This Master s Dissertation had as premiss the analysis of brazilian public and social policies implemented to stop child labor, especially the Program for the Eradication of Child Labor (PETI) and the Bolsa Familia Program. The point of reference of this analysis covers the junction of both programs in the year 2006, and as consequence, its ability of interfering in the quality of life of the individuals concerned. Also, it covers the twists and turns of these people lacking economical means and that choose to send their children to work. This research was accomplished with the support of the City Hall of Pelotas, ASEMAs (Apoio Socio-Educativo em Meio Aberto) and of the families which are supported by The PETI program, it aimed to identify the social situation of the families helped by social programs and the substantial development regarding household, health, education and laboring conditions. There was, as well, a concern in formulating a theoretical and historical structure which is the foundation of the analysis of the state policies, as well as the changes occurred within the child labor world. A number of 41 families were interviewed out of 414 ones who are included in the Bolsa Familia Program today and which are part of the Program for the Eradication of Child Labor (PETI) since 2001. It is clear that these families are distributed in different ASEMAs, on account of this there was a concern in including reports from all Jornada Ampliada places. The interviews were held with mothers, as they are legally responsible for the children, who receive the allowance and follow the rules established by the Program. The final results will be discussed throughout this work according to the subject. In regard to the conclusions, it is possible to mention in advance that present public policies in Brazil have played an important role in the reduction of poverty and in the improvement of the quality of life of individuals. Nevertheless, the same policies have been shown to be inefficient and ineffective in providing quality in education; prevention and most importantly, eradication of child labor. / Esta dissertação de mestrado teve como premissa analisar as Políticas Públicas e Sociais brasileiras realizadas para eliminar o trabalho infantil, especialmente o Programa de Erradicação do Trabalho Infantil (PETI) e o Programa Bolsa Família. O ponto de análise trata da junção dos dois programas no ano de 2006 e, por consequência, da capacidade de interferir para melhorar a vida dos indivíduos por eles atendidos. Ainda, conhecer os meandros dessas pessoas desprovidas economicamente e optantes por colocarem seus filhos no laboro. Esta pesquisa, efetuada com a Prefeitura Municipal de Pelotas, ASEMAs (Apoio Socioeducativo em Meio Aberto) e com famílias amparadas pelo PETI em Pelotas, teve como intuito identificar a situação social destes indivíduos auxiliados por programas sociais e a atual qualidade de vida no referente às melhorias nas condições de moradia, saúde, educação e trabalho. Houve, também, a preocupação de realizar uma construção teórica e histórica que alicerçasse tanto a análise de políticas do Estado, quanto às mudanças ocorridas no mundo do trabalho infantil. Foram entrevistadas 41 famílias de um total de 414, ou seja, uma amostra de 10 % da população incluída atualmente no programa Bolsa Família, participantes do Programa de Erradicação do Trabalho Infantil (PETI) desde 2001. Observa-se que estas famílias estão divididas em ASEMAs distintos e, por isso, houve o cuidado de coletar amostras de todos os locais de jornada ampliada. As entrevistas foram realizadas com as mães, pois são elas as responsáveis legais pelo recebimento da ajuda e por cumprir as etapas determinadas. Os resultados obtidos e levantados serão discutidos no decorrer do trabalho de acordo com o tema abordado. Em relação às conclusões, constata-se que as atuais políticas sociais brasileira têm representado um papel fundamental na diminuição da pobreza e na melhora de condições de vida dos indivíduos. Porém, estas mesmas políticas têm-se mostrado ineficientes e ineficazes no concernente ao avanço em educação, preparação e, o mais importante, na eliminação do trabalho infantil.

This study provides an empirical picture of the ways in which the New Public Management doctrine has been implemented in the context of post-Soviet states in Central Asia. Specifically, the data present evidence on the extent of school autonomy along six dimensions in the three states. The implications of the shift towards education decentralisation have been studied and explained. Based on a mixed method this evidence is drawn from three sources: surveys, interviews, and legislative analysis. With the research limitations in mind, based on the analysis undertaken, it is possible to identify some important messages regarding academic theory and education management practice. The first message is that neo-institutional theory, particularly historical institutionalism, has been supported by the evidence from the post-Soviet states. Despite quite diverse trajectories of the countries' political, economic and public sectors development over the last two decades, the policies promoted in education appear to be converging in both outputs and outcomes across the region. The three countries demonstrated persistent path-dependency through their inability to overcome institutional inertia, so that operational policy and structure dimensions have not been decentralized, combined with the effect of declining fiscal and bureaucratic capacity at the centre, so that managerial matters have been delegated to a school level. This trend was regional. The second message is that, the patterns observed in the three post-Soviet states displayed similarities to the patterns observed in education systems of the developed western democracies. Hence, the view that the structure of the post-communist welfare states is problematic, and that the particularities of their transition with budget cuts on top of the communist legacy and a hodge-podge of different approaches do not allow these states to be classified (cf. Orenstein 2008), has not been supported by the evidence. Education institutions in the three post-Soviet countries investigated conformed to a general West European pattern, although for different reasons.

The thesis Nordic Welfare states addresses the social policies of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. It concentrates on specific features of policies forming the Nordic social system and the paper also evaluates the impacts of the social policies in various fields. Moreover, the paper discusses the perspectives of the Nordic welfare state and identifies potential risks which they may face in the future.

Orientador: Regina Claudia Laisner / Resumo: O Brasil tem como sua lei maior a Constituição Federal de 1988 que, por possuir um viés dirigente, irá traçar as diretrizes a serem seguidas tanto pelo Estado quanto pela sociedade civil. Do ponto de vista do Estado, prevê-se não apenas uma posição omissa, a fim de assegurar liberdades, ao contrário, lhe é exigida uma postura atuante ao estabelecer obrigações que demandam gastos para que sejam assegurados os direitos aos cidadãos. Este é o caso do art. 6.º que trata dos direitos sociais como saúde, moradia, assistência social e educação. Ao referir-se especificamente ao direito à educação, garante este direito a todos os indivíduos, desde a tenra idade, a exemplo da promoção de vagas em creches públicas financiadas pelo Estado. Ocorre que o cenário atual nos revela que as políticas de creches públicas não conseguem atender às necessidades de toda a população, prova se faz pela existência de listas de esperas por vagas em creches públicas em muitos municípios em todo Brasil. No centro desta problemática, uma das razões apontadas de forma recorrente é a falta de recursos públicos para o atendimento da demanda de toda a população. Este fato nos faz voltar os olhos para a organização da estrutura financeira que regula os gastos do Estado de modo a investigar esta questão. Este aspecto do Estado é regulamentado por leis infraconstitucionais, dentre elas a Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, que perfaz o objeto desta dissertação, em razão de seu caráter inovador que determina regras es... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Brazil's main law is the 1988 Federal Constitution, which, as it has a leading bias, will outline the guidelines to be followed by both the State and civil society. From the point of view of the State, it is not only foreseen an omission position, in order to ensure freedoms, on the contrary, it is required an active posture when establishing obligations that demand expenses so that the rights of citizens are guaranteed. This is the case of art. 6th that deals with social rights such as health, housing, social assistance and education. When referring specifically to the right to education, it guarantees this right to all individuals, from an early age, as in the promotion of vacancies in public day-care centers financed by the State. It so happens that the current scenario reveals to us that the policies of public daycare centers fail to meet the needs of the entire population, proof is made by the existence of waiting lists for vacancies in public daycare centers in many municipalities throughout Brazil. At the center of this problem, one of the reasons repeatedly pointed out is the lack of public resources to meet the demand of the entire population. This fact makes us turn our eyes to the organization of the financial structure that regulates State spending in order to investigate this issue. This aspect of the State is regulated by infraconstitutional laws, among them the Law of Fiscal Responsibility, which makes up the most specific object of this dissertation, due to it... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Cette thèse propose un éclairage inédit sur la stratégie politique employée par le président Barack Obama pour réduire les inégalités raciales ; ceci dans un contexte dominé par le fort ressentiment de la population blanche envers les politiques sociales en général et les mesures dites « raciales » en particulier. La présente analyse s’appuie sur l’exemple spécifique de la réforme de santé Obamacare, fruit d’une stratégie politique soigneusement et prudemment choisie, mais qui a vu le jour au terme d’une bataille houleuse. La réforme fut élaborée dans un contexte d’extrême polarisation partisane en matière de politique sociale et de questions raciales, mais aussi au sujet de l’intervention de l’État. Ayant pour but la création d’une législation significative quoique politiquement acceptable, Obama a opté pour une stratégie politique de neutralité raciale en ciblant toutefois des problèmes spécifiques aux Afro-Américains. Ainsi, cette thèse démontre en quoi cette tactique s’est basée sur des considérations tant de faisabilité politique que d’efficacité afin de répondre aux besoins économiques spécifiques à la population noire. Il s’est également agit d’analyser comment l’administration Obama a réussi, après presque un siècle de tentatives infructueuses, à promulguer une loi mettant en place un système de couverture de santé universelle ; loi que les attaques répétées du Parti républicain ont profondément mutilé. Nous démontrons enfin qu’à l’instar de la non-extension de Medicaid qui a particulièrement nuit à la population noire, la réforme d’Obama, puisque basée sur un système préexistant, a finalement ravivé les problèmes de stratification raciale. / This dissertation examines the political strategy used by President Barack Obama to address racial inequalities in a context dominated by a rejection of social policies in general, and race-specific initiatives in particular. This analysis is based on the example of health care reform. The legislation known as Obamacare, passed in 2010, which is composed of two Acts, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act, was the result of a careful political strategy and a heated political battle. Obamacare was enacted in a context of strong partisan polarization around issues of social policies, racial inequalities, and the scope of government intervention. To achieve meaningful, yet politically acceptable, legislation, Obama chose a race-neutral, but issue-focused approach. This approach was mainly based on considerations of political feasibility, but also on considerations of efficiency in furthering black economic interests. Thus, this dissertation examines the foundation, application, and outcome of Obama’s political strategy as applied to health care reform. On the one hand, his administration managed to enact comprehensive health care reform after almost a hundred years of frustrated attempts. On the other hand, subsequent Republican attacks maimed the reform. Moreover, as the reform was built on the existing system, previous issues of racial stratification resurfaced. The non-extension of Medicaid was particularly detrimental to African-Americans. Yet, despite its imperfections, Obamacare, by creating for the first time a system of universal health care coverage in the US, has contributed to make public opinion more favorable to a single-payer system, in other words, a fully government-run health care system.

The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.

Health is deemed central to a nation’s development. Accordingly, health care reform and expansion are key policy priorities in developing countries. Many such nations are now testing various methods of funding and delivering health care to local disadvantaged populations. Similarly, India launched the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) national health insurance programme for low-income groups in 2008. The RSBY intends preventing catastrophic health-related expenditure by improving recipients’ access to hospital-based care. This thesis is an in-depth qualitative evaluation of the RSBY in Delhi state. It examines the RSBY’s effectiveness in fulfilling its goals and meeting local health care needs. Walt and Gilson’s (1994) actors-content-process-context model informs the research design and an actor-centred “responsive” (Stake 1975) or “constructivist” approach guides data analysis. Three research questions are examined: (i). Why was a health insurance programme launched and why now? Why was this model favoured over alternate methods of service expansion? (ii). Is the RSBY delivered as intended? If not, why? (iii) How does the RSBY affect patients’ access to services? The findings are based on documentary sources, observation of implementation sites and activities and 164 semi-structured interviews with RSBY policymakers, insurers, NGOs, doctors, and patients. The results show improved access to curative and surgical care for RSBY patients. However, RSBY’s focus on hospitalisation and omission of primary and outpatient services had undesired negative effects. The lack of ambulatory facilities led RSBY patients to self-medicate or use dubious quality informal providers. By only allowing inpatient care, the RSBY also seemingly encouraged the substitution of outpatient care with costlier hospitalisations. In effect, the RSBY’s design contributed to cost increases and poor patient outcomes. While more funds and human resources were needed to improve RSBY implementation, the performance of frontline agencies could potentially improve through more stable, longer-term contracts. Similarly, modifying RSBY’s monetary incentives for doctors may lead to better service delivery by them. By evaluating the RSBY’s strong points and shortcomings, this thesis provides key lessons on strengthening policy design and health service delivery in developing countries. Thereby, it makes a broader contribution to understanding the determinants of successful policymaking.