Este trabalho investiga o futuro subjuntivo em orações relativas restritivas no português brasileiro considerando noções de modo, tempo e aspecto. Partindo de Quer (1998, 2008), assumimos que o modo subjuntivo em orações relativas indica sempre uma leitura não-referencial/atributiva do antecedente e observamos que o futuro do subjuntivo nesse ambiente só é selecionado quando há alguma referência de futuro na matriz, como um verbo no futuro do presente ou um predicado intensional como querer. Para questões temporais, tomamos por base a teoria referencial de tempo de Partee (1993) e o conceito de tempo de tópico de Klein (1994, 2009) e propomos que o futuro do subjuntivo deve ser considerado um tempo referencial não-passado a) relacionado a um tempo de tópico evidente no contexto; b) concomitante ou posterior ao momento de fala; c) também concomitante ou anterior ao tempo da matriz, nunca posterior a ele. Abordamos as classes de aspecto lexical propostas por Vendler (1957) para investigar os contrastes entre presente e futuro do subjuntivo em orações relativas, duas formas subjuntivas que autores como Comrie e Holmback (1984) e Marques (2010) consideram competidoras entre si no sistema verbal do português. Concluímos que o contraste entre eles pode parecer pouco relevante a princípio, em especial em casos de predicados estativos, mas que ele se torna mais claro à medida em que se evidencia o tempo de tópico relacionado ao futuro do subjuntivo. Por último, com fins descritivos, voltamos nossa atenção a noções de aspecto gramatical, partindo da relação entre o tempo de situação e o tempo de tópico também proposta por Klein (1994, 2009) para definir o futuro do subjuntivo como um tempo referencial não-passado em que, em oposição aos tempos pretéritos do português, não há marcação morfológica de aspecto perfectivo ou imperfectivo. / This work investigates the future subjunctive in relative restrictive clauses in Brazilian Portuguese considering notions of mood, tense and aspect. From Quer (1998, 2008) we assume that subjunctive mood in relative clauses indicates a non-referential / attributive reading of the antecedent. We also observe that the future subjunctive in this environment is only selected when there is some future reference in the matrix clause, as a verb in the simple future or an intensional predicate as to want. In discussing temporal features, we take Partee\'s (1993) referential theory of tense and the concept of topic time by Klein (1994, 2009) to propose that the future subjunctive should be considered a non-past referential tense a)related to a topic time highlighted in the context; b)concomitant or subsequent to the speech moment; c)also concomitant or prior to the time of the matrix clause. We approach the aspectual classes proposed by Vendler (1957) to investigate the contrasts between present and future subjunctive in relative clauses, two subjunctive forms that authors like Comrie and Holmback (1984) and Marques (2010) consider to be competitors in the Portuguese verbal system. We conclude that the contrast between them may seen little relevant at first, specially with stative predicates, but it becomes clearer if the topic time related to the future subjunctive is evidenced. At last, for descriptive purposes, we turn our attention to grammatical aspectual notions, considering the relation between the time of the situation and the topic time also proposed by Klein (1994, 2009), to define the future subjunctive as a non-past referential tense in which, in opposition to the past tenses in portuguese, there is no morphological marker of perfective or imperfective aspect.

Dana Kratochvílová Spanish Modality from the Point of View of Relationships among Modal Meanings (dissertation) Abstract: The present work deals with the so-called grey areas that can be found within the Spanish modal system. In these areas, two different types of modality (modal meanings) can occur. We study the relationship that can be found between potentiality and reality, potentiality and evaluation, evaluation and volition, volition and question, question and potentiality, potentiality and volition. We analyse the different types of interaction between modal meanings inside the Spanish modality and study the consequences of those interactions. Keywords: modality, mood, Spanish, subjunctive

Este trabalho teve por objetivo estudar alguns aspectos da complementação de predicados factivos e assertivos em PB, no quadro da teoria da Ligação e Regência. Entre esses aspectos, destacamos o estatuto semântico da oração complemento, a ocorrência do subjuntivo e do infinitivo pessoal. Mostramos que, dependendo da classe a que pertence o predicado da oração matriz, o complemento oracional pode ser um pressuposto, uma asserção ou uma não-asserção. Assim, se o predicado da matriz for um factivo (lamentar, descobrir, etc.), a proposição complemento é um pressuposto (salvo em contextos bem específicos); se for um predicado assertivo (assegurar, acreditar, etc), o estatuto semântico do complemento será o de asserção, ou seja, uma proposição, afirmativa ou negativa, declarada verdadeira pelo locutor; e, finalmente, se o predicado for um não-assertivo (querer, possível, etc.), o estatuto semântico será o de não-asserção, entendida como um enunciado que por não ser nem asseverado, nem pressuposto ou implicado, é insuscetível de receber um valor de verdade. Além do mais, a pesquisa mostra que a possibilidade de ocorrência do subjuntivo em PB na oração complemento está associada à natureza não-assertiva deste, isto é, o subjuntivo somente é possível em complementos de predicados não-assertivos (querer, preferir, provável, etc). Quanto ao infinitivo pessoal no complemento, o estudo revela que sua ocorrência vai depender também da classe a que pertence o predicado da oração matriz e da possibilidade de o sujeito da oração infinitiva receber Caso nominativo. Assim, um predicado não-assertivo como querer, em hipótese alguma, permite que o seu complemento esteja na forma infinitiva pessoal (* Quero eles saírem /*quero eles terem saído), enquanto que um verbo como lamentar admite-a, sem nenhuma restrição (Lamento eles serem estúpidos/ Lamento eles terem partido). Finalmente,, lançando mão da teoria da cópia do movimento e adotando sugestão de um operador nulo no Spec de CP do complemento de um predicado factivo, explicamos por que argumentos D-linked podem ser extraídos de uma ilha factiva, enquanto adjuntos e argumentos não-D-linked não podem. / The objective of this work was the study of some aspects of the complementation of factive and assertive predicates in PB, in Government-Binding Theory. Within these aspects, it is enhanced the semantic status of the complement sentence, the occurrence of subjunctive and the inflected infinitive. It is shown that, depending on the grammatical class to which the matrix predicate belongs, the sentential complement may be a pressuposition, an assertion or a non-assertion. Therefore, if the matrix predicate is a factive (such as to regret, to find out etc.), the subordinate clause is a pressuposition (except in very specific contexts); if the matrix predicate is an assertive (to insure, to believe etc.), the semantic status should be an assertion, i. e., a statement that may be true or false; and, finally, if the predicate is a non-assertive (such as to wish, possible etc.), the semantic status will be a non-assertion, understood as a sentence that could not receive a true value. Beyond that, we will demonstrate that the possibility of occurrence of the subjunctive in PB, in the complement sentence, is associated to its non-assertive nature, i. e., the subjunctive is only possible in complement of non-assertive predicates. In relation to the inflected infinitive, the study shows that its occurrence will depend on the grammatical class to which the matrix predicate belongs, and on the possibility of the infinitival clause subject receiving nominative case. For example, a non-assertive predicate such as querer to want, in no case would allow its complement to be in the inflected infinitival form: *Quero eles saírem[third person plural] I want them leave,. On the other hand, a verb such as lamentar to regret may admit the inflected infinitival form, without any restriction: Eu lamento eles partirem{third person plural] I regret that they leave, Eu lamento eles terem[third person plural] partido I regret they have left. Finally, we propose a solution, in the Minimalism, in order to explain the asymmetry between adjuncts and arguments non-D-linked, on one side, and arguments D-linked, on the other, in relation to the possibility of extraction of the factive island, being this extraction possible to the latter, but not to the former.

The goal of this dissertation is to formulate a novel characterization of subjunctive complements in Spanish, based on semantico-pragmatic and syntactic evidence. The analysis is informed by, and has consequences for, theories that the pragmatic and semantic components of the grammar interface with the syntax. Thus, the proposal carries implications for the interpretive components of the grammar at the C-I interface. I argue that the indicative mood, in Romance, corresponds to propositions which carry assertive force. Data from Greek and Bulgarian provide evidence for a syntactic representation of this feature. I provide evidence for a novel tripartite classification of subjunctive clauses: (i) those that are lexically-selected by volitional verbs and carry strongly intensional semantics, (ii) those licensed by a non-veridical operator (i.e. negation) and carry anti-veridical semantics and (iii) those which lack illocutionary force, with the subjunctive mood surfacing as the default (uninformative) mood in complements to emotives and negated epistemics. Complements to emotive and negated epistemic predicates are the only subjunctive complements which may be extensionally anchored (to the real world), yet are incompatible with ‘point of view’ phenomena, which is unexpected in extensional contexts. The data indicate that the subjunctive surfaces in uninformative contexts, in the absence of (intensional or assertive) illocutionary force. The observations lead to a novel syntactic analysis, relying on Speas and Tenny’s (2003) representation of pragmatic arguments, which captures the fact that subjunctive clauses are anchored to a particular individual (either the matrix subject or the speaker). I propose that subject obviation occurs only in deontic and causative contexts, a novel hypothesis supported by data which illustrate that the addition of an evaluative component (an epistemic ordering source) renders subject obviation violable. I argue that a feature-checking relationship between the subordinate Seat of Knowledge position and matrix deontic or causative v anchors the complement proposition to the matrix subject’s model of evaluation. Co-reference is then banned due to a semantico-pragmatic parameter setting in Romance which disallows a de se (self-ascribing) reading in finite contexts, which facilitates the processing of pronominal reference. I argue that the semantico-pragmatic status of subjunctive complements to negated epistemic predicates overlaps with those to both emotives, which are evaluative, and those to other negated predicates (i.e. perception verbs, verbs of reported speech), which are evidential. Their dual status accounts for the (previously unobserved) overlapping syntactic and semantic properties exhibited in their subjunctive complements. Partee’s (1991, 1995) proposal for a tripartite structure of negation elegantly captures the interpretive facts. Subjunctive complements to negated evidential predicates are interpreted in the scope of negation, while those to evaluative (emotive) predicates are interpreted in the restrictor, with those to negated epistemics allowing both options. Two different types of negation are identified, following Horn’s (1989) analysis. The pragmatic classification of the predicate as either evidential or evaluative determines the type of negation with which it may surface. Metalinguistic negation surfaces with evaluative predicates, and does not scope into the complement clause. True negation-triggered subjunctive (i.e. evidential contexts) results from the scope of descriptive negation into the complement clause, which carries a negative clause-type feature. I show that negation-triggered subjunctive clauses constitute unbounded events, which is attributed to their anti-veridical status. In conclusion, the analysis characterizes subjunctive clauses in Spanish, and carries implications for cross-linguistic analysis. More research is needed to verify the claims cross-linguistically, and the analysis lacks a precise characterization of indicative complement clauses which, like subjunctive clauses, require a more fine-grained characterization.

The general goal of this dissertation is to highlight the role of discourse pragmatics in the explanation of the use of the indicative and subjunctive moods in Spanish sentential complements. This dissertation examines mood selection in Spanish complements in order to illustrate the shortcomings of the traditional semantic/syntactic approach (Terrell & Hooper (1974), Hooper (1975), P. Klein (1974), Fukushima (1978-79), Bell (1980), and Takagaki (1984)) and to provide within the Information Structure framework (Lambrecht 1994; 2001) a detailed analysis of mood selection in Spanish complement clauses. Considering some existing pragmatic approaches to Spanish mood selection (e.g., Lavandera 1983, Guitart 1991, Mejías-Bikandi 1994, 1998), they are found to be inadequate because they are based on decontextualized sentences. This dissertation considers the context where sentences take place and contributes to our understanding of mood selection in Spanish complements as a formal reflection of the pragmatic properties and relations of the discourse referents that are denoted by noun complements, considering pragmatic notions of presupposition and assertion of propositional referents, their activation, and the pragmatic relations of topic/focus of these referents in the utterances. The notion of pragmatic assertion used in this dissertation is based on the notion of speaker intent, and it is equated with the notion of inactive discourse referents, which are in turn linked to the use of indicative mood in complements of assertive matrices. The notion of pragmatic presupposition is equated with the notion of active referents in the discourse, which are in turn linked to the use of subjunctive mood in complements of doubt/negation and comment matrices. However, this thesis argues that not all uses of subjunctive are motivated by the active status of propositional referents. Volitional and possibility uses of subjunctive are analyzed, similarly to assertive matrices, as activating a discourse referent. Yet, contrary to assertive matrices, and following Fauconnier’s (1985) theory of mental spaces, the referent activated belongs to the domain that represents an individual’s view of reality. This account of mood distribution in complement clauses is eventually extended to adjectival and adverbial subordinates and provides an explanation of mood distribution in all subordinate contexts in Spanish. / text

in English Choice of Mood in Spanish Grammatical Constructions Expressing Potentiality (with Reference to Czech and Italian) Key words: Mood, Subjunctive, Potentiality, Corpus, Spanish, Italian, Czech The objective of this paper is to study the systemic possibilities of alternation between the subjunctive and the indicative in Spanish grammatical constructions expressing potentiality, the semantical differences this alternation brings and also the frequency these two modes appear in respective constructions. In order to achieve this objective I studied not only the specialized literature in the topic but also the language corpora. Later I compared the situation in Spanish with Italian and Czech as well. The results of my study brought me to the conclusion that it is necessary to study each expression of potentiality separately because the verbal modes do not appear equally often after these expressions. On the other hand, the use of the conjunctive in Italian is far more formalized. Czech does not posses any systemic tool that could work for the Spanish subjunctive in every context. However, its translation as the conditional or the future indicative is possible.

in English Expression of Posteriority in Spanish through Indicative and Subjunctive The aim of this thesis is to study those paradigms in indicative and subjunctive which express the absolute and relative posteriority in Spanish. Our thesis is based on the literature related with the topic and also on the language corpora. We study the particular paradigms, their contexts and the possibilities of their mutual alternation. A considerable part of the thesis is dedicated to the absolute posteriority. We study the paradigms in indicative not only with respect to the time delimitation but also in term of the context and attitude of the speaker. As for the paradigms in subjunctive, we focus on the types of subordinate clauses. In the chapter dedicated to the relative posteriority, we demonstrate which paradigms correspond to the paradigms in absolute posteriority. We briefly compare the situation in Spanish with the one in Czech. Based on the results of our case studies and information from literature, we came to the conclusion that it is not possible to simply classify the particular uses of the paradigms and that is important to take several factors into consideration, not only the distance of action from the moment of speech.

Com base nos pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista (LABOV, 2008 [1972]; 2001), esta pesquisa investiga o emprego de formas verbais subjuntivas e indicativas em três contextos de subordinação orações adverbiais, substantivas (na posição de complemento do verbo da oração principal) e relativas. Os dados foram extraídos de 36 entrevistas sociolinguísticas com paulistanos e 36 entrevistas com ludovicenses, estratificadas de acordo com o sexo/gênero dos informantes, sua faixa etária (18 a 35; 36 a 59; e 60 anos ou mais) e seu nível de escolaridade (médio superior). Examinam-se as variáveis linguísticas e sociais que se correlacionam à ocorrência dessas formas. Entre as linguísticas, incluem-se variáveis como o tempo verbal da oração subordinada; o tipo de subordinador (tais como se e embora, no caso das orações adverbiais); o verbo da oração principal e o tempo verbal da oração principal (no caso das orações substantivas). Propõe-se que, em português, formas subjuntivas e indicativas funcionam como variantes de uma variável apenas nas orações adverbiais, ao passo que, nos outros dois contextos, tais formas se alternam mas não constituem sempre formas de dizer a mesma coisa (LABOV, 1972; 1978). A análise quantitativa dos dados foi feita com o pacote estatístico GoldVarb X (SANKOFF, TAGLIAMONTE, SMITH, 2005). Os resultados indicam que, no geral, é maior a tendência de ocorrência do modo indicativo em São Paulo relativamente a São Luís. Por outro lado, há indício de mudança na fala ludovicense, na direção do indicativo, em orações adverbiais e substantivas. / Based on the theory and methods of Variationist Sociolinguistics (LABOV, 2008 [1972]; 2001), this master thesis investigates the use of indicative and subjunctive verbal forms in three contexts of subordination: adverbial, nominal and relative clauses. The data were extracted from 36 sociolinguistic interviews with native speakers from São Paulo and 36 from São Luís, stratified by sex/gender, age (18-35 years old, 36 to 59, and 60 or older) and level of education (high school or college). Social and linguistic independent variables are examined vis-à-vis their correlation to the occurrence of those forms. Among the linguistic factors are the verbal tense in the subordinate clause, the subordinator (as se if and embora though, for adverbial clauses), the verb and the verb tense in the main clause (for the nominal clauses, embedded in the position of the verbal complement). This thesis discusses that, in Brazilian Portuguese, subjunctive and indicative forms function as variants of a variable in adverbial clauses, but not in nominal or relative clauses, in which they are not different ways of saying the same thing (Labov, 1972; 1978). The quantitative analyses were developed on GoldVarb X (SANKOFF, TAGLIAMONTE, SMITH, 2005). The results suggest that indicative forms tend to occur more in São Paulo relatively to São Luís. However, theres change in progress in São Luís (apparent time), with the indicative being favored by younger speakers, both in adverbial and nominal subordinate clauses.

[pt] Neste trabalho, desenvolvemos uma análise da flutuação existente no emprego do subjuntivo em contextos orais do Português do Brasil, com ênfase na variação subjuntivo/indicativo. Tomando por base a perspectiva de linguagem e gramática oferecida nos desenvolvimentos teóricos da Lingüística Cognitiva, notadamente as proposições de G. Lakoff acerca dos efeitos de prototipia nas categorias gramaticais e as de E. Sweetser sobre a precedência cognitiva da modalidade deôntica em relação à epistêmica, examinamos situações de flutuação, apresentando um mapeamento dos casos e levantando diferentes fatores motivantes envolvidos. O trabalho fornece elementos para uma caracterização semântico-pragmática e morfossintática do que seriam os usos mais prototípicos do subjuntivo em Português, argumentando em favor da tese de que a flutuação não é aleatória, incidindo com maior freqüência em empregos menos prototípicos dessa categoria gramatical. / [en] This study analyses the existing fluctuation in the use of the subjunctive mood in oral contexts of Brazilian Portuguese, with emphasis on the subjunctive/indicative alternation. Based on the theoretical perspective on language and grammar that is offered in Cognitive Linguistics, notably G. Lakoff`s propositions concerning prototype effects in grammatical categories and E. Sweetser`s propositions on the cognitive precedence of the deontic modality in relation to the epistemic, the study investigates the situations of fluctuation, mapping out the cases and showing different motivating factors involved. Elements for a semantic-pragmatic and morphosyntactic characterization of prototypical uses of the subjunctive mood in Portuguese are supplied, and the case is made for the thesis that the fluctuation is not random, occurring more often in less prototypical uses of this grammatical category.

Resumo: O estudo da variação de modo em estruturas complexas reveste-se de um interesse especial, em virtude de o modo verbal se manifestar morfologicamente, mas o seu uso estar fortemente determinado pelas relações que se manifestam no interior de um complexo oracional. Sendo assim, assumimos como tarefa investigar a manifestação do modo subjuntivo em estruturas complexas utilizando como principal ferramenta a Teoria da Variação Lingüística (LABOV, 1972). A utilização desse aparato como instrumento de investigação de um fenômeno morfossintático, entretanto, requer cuidado, já que há, no interior dos estudos lingüísticos, debates acalorados acerca da pertinência de investigar fenômenos para além do nível fonológico adotando a perspectiva da Teoria da Variação. Para realizarmos essa investigação utilizamos dois corpora: Discurso & Gramática, que contém amostras de fala da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, e Iboruna, com amostras de fala da região noroeste do Estado de São Paulo. Do conjunto de variáveis lingüísticas postulado, foram selecionadas pelo programa estatístico apenas três variáveis lingüísticas: carga semântica do predicado matriz, grau de certeza epistêmica e tipo de oração subordinada. Desse modo, no cálculo da regra variável, os resultados gerais apontam que o subjuntivo é favorecido: (i) em orações encaixadas em predicados não-factivos volitivos, e (ii) em orações condicionais irreais e potenciais. É desfavorecido em: (i) orações temporais provenientes de relatos de procedimento, (ii) em orações condicionais reais, e (iii) em orações encaixadas em predicados indiferentes de opinião, bicondicionais e emotivos/avaliativos. Como variáveis sociais possivelmente correlacionadas ao fenômeno investigado, compuseram nosso envelope de variação: (i) escolaridade; (ii) sexo; e, (iii) procedência do informante (identificada pelos corpora...(Resumo completo, ckicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The study of mood variation in complex structures needs a special interest, since verbal mood is marked morphologically, but its use is highly determined through the relations which take place within the complex structure. In this way, we aim at investigating the manifestation of the subjunctive mood in complex structures using as main tool the Theory of Linguistic Variation (LABOV, 1972). The use of this theory as the investigation instrument of a syntactic phenomenon, however, requires some care, since there are, in the linguistic studies, vehement debates about the relevance of studying phenomena outside the phonological level adopting the Variation Theory perspective. In order to carry out this research, we used two corpora: Discurso & Gramática, which contains a sample of spoken language from Rio de Janeiro city, and Iboruna, with samples of spoken language from the northeast region of the state of São Paulo. From the group of linguistic variables postulated, only three of them were selected: semantic value of the matrix predicate, level of epistemic certainty and kind of subordinate clause. Thus, in the calculation of the variable rule, the general results show that the subjunctive is favored: (i) in clauses embedded in non-factive volitional predicates, and (ii) in unreal and potential conditional clauses. It is disfavored in: (i) temporal clauses from proceeding reports, (ii) in real conditional clauses, and (iii) in clauses embedded in indifferent of opinion, biconditional and emotive/evaluative predicates. The social variables probably correlated to the investigated phenomenon are: (i) education level; (ii) sex/gender; and, (iii) informant's origin (identified by the corpora used). After the investigation of the social variables, we noted that the variable use of the subjunctive mood is not related to social factors, since the subjunctive behavior manifests in a homogeneous way among the factors of the social variables considered. / Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Leite Gonçalves / Coorientador: Roberto Gomes Camacho / Banca: Ronald Belini Mendes / Banca: Marize Mattos Dall'Aglio-Hattnher / Mestre