Este trabalho descreve e analisa a formação e desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de segurança na África Austral, desde a formação do grupo de Países da Linha da Frente até ao surgimento do Órgão da SADC para a Cooperação nas áreas de Política, Defesa e Segurança. Na região da África Austral, a África do Sul foi considerada, pela maioria dos países vizinhos (Países da Linha da Frente), uma nação inimiga durante o período em que vigorou a política de segregação racial - o apartheid. Assim, esses países tiveram que formar uma frente comum para lutar contra o regime do apartheid. Entretanto, com o fim da Guerra Fria teve lugar o surgimento de uma «nova» ordem internacional. Este fenômeno levou à pacificação da África Austral que passou a cooperar em vários domínios, em particular na segurança. Em 2001, após longas negociações, os Estados membros da SADC assinaram o Protocolo que instituiu o Órgão da Segurança da SADC responsável por todos os assuntos de Defesa e Segurança. Este órgão teve a difícil missão de gerir todos os assuntos ligados a segurança regional na SADC. Contudo, as suas intervenções nos processos de resolução e gestão de conflitos no Lesotho, na RDC, no Zimbábue e no Madagáscar têm se revelado pouco eficazes. / This paper describes and analyzes the formation and development of a security community in Southern Africa since the formation of the countries of the Front Line to the emergence of the SADC Organ for Cooperation on Politics, Defense and Security. In the region of Southern Africa, South Africa was regarded by most neighboring countries (Front Lines States), an enemy nation during the period which ran the policy of racial segregation – apartheid. Thus, these countries had to form a common front to fight against the apartheid regime. However, with the Cold War saw the emergence of a "new" international order. This phenomenon has led to peace in Southern Africa has been cooperating in various fields, particularly in security. In 2001, after lengthy negotiations, the SADC member states signed the Protocol establishing the Organ of SADC Security responsible for all matters of Defense and Security. This body had the difficult task of handling all issues related to regional security in SADC. However, its interventions in the process of resolution and conflict management in Lesotho, the DRC, Zimbabwe and Madagáscar has proved ineffective.

A tese aborda os novos regionalismos no âmbito da política externa de Angola, com ênfase em duas perspectivas estratégicas da inserção internacional do país. A primeira abordagem refere-se à política externa de Angola para o desenrolar das possibilidades integrativas regionais da África Subsaariana, nominalmente a Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC) e a Comunidade de Desenvolvimento da África Austral (SADC, sigla em inglês para Southern African Development Community); a segunda acompanha o processo da política externa de Angola para o Brasil. As duas abordagens estão patentes no processo de desenvolvimento do conceito da concertação diplomática regional, suas práticas, ajudaram a entender aspectos da construção da Zona de Paz e Cooperação do Atlântico Sul (ZOPACAS) – alguns seus desenvolvimentos, metodologia que se reflete no contexto da diplomacia angolana na construção de um novo cenário, a Comissão do Golfo da Guiné (CGG). Nas duas estruturas regionais, as variáveis paz e segurança são fatores preponderantes. Na ZOPACAS, a ideia de segurança diz respeito à criação de uma Zona de Paz no Atlântico Sul; na CGG, a noção de segurança refere-se à garantia de interesses econômicos e políticos dos Estados-membros. Ela serve, inclusive, de auxílio à nova configuração da Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Central (CEEAC), evidenciando a produção petrolífera como um dos principais eixos da relação. No desenvolvimento da nossa pesquisa e do trabalho esforçamo-nos a mostrar relações diretas e indiretas entre a política interna e a política externa do país. Do ponto de vista teórico, nosso esforço foi no sentido de explicar os fatos políticos internacionais, a partir dos objetivos de Angola desde a independência aos novos marcos de regionalismos e aos cálculos estratégicos do governo para alcançar o interesse nacional. A análise do discurso diplomático angolano serviu para avaliar a inserção internacional do país, identificando a integração regional e a cooperação Sul-Sul como seus principais objetivos. / The thesis discusses the new regionalism in the context of Angola´s policy, focusing on two strategic perspectives of the country´s international insertion. The first approach refers to the foreign policy of Angola to the development of integrative possibilities of regional sub-Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the African Development Community (SADC, the acronym for Southern African Development Community), the second follows the process of foreign policy of Angola to Brazil. The two approaches are evident in the process of developing the concep t of regional diplomatic agreement, their practices, helped us understand aspects of the construction of a Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZPCSA) - some of its developments, a methodology that is reflected in the context of diplomacy Angola in the construction of a new scenario, the Gulf of Guinea Commission (CGG). In two regional structures, variables peace and security are important factors. In ZPCSA, the idea of security concerns the creation of a Zone of Peace in the South Atlantic in CGG, the concept of security refers to the guarantee of economic and political interests of the Member States. It serves, including aid to the new configuration of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), showing the oil production as a major axis of the relationship. In developing our research and work we strive to show direct and indirect relations between domestic politics and foreign policy. From a theoretical perspective, our effort was made to explain the international political events, from the goals of Angola since independence to the new frameworks for regionalism and strategic calculations of the government to achieve the national interest. The Angolan diplomatic discourse analysis was used to assess the country's international insertion, identifying regional integration and South-South cooperation as its main goals.

This dissertation examines the role of government policies in attracting the foreign direct investment (FDI) to SADC countries. To achieve this, the study uses econometric, statistical, and thematic methods within a panel data context and explores means through which SADC countries can attract the FDI. The study covered a panel of 15 SADC countries over the period 1980–2018. FDI is associated with several benefits, particularly in the less developed countries for their investment purposes. However, these less developed countries – including SADC member countries – encounter challenges of attracting FDI despite having abundant natural resources and proposing various regulatory reforms to liberalise their economies. The empirical approach suggested several ways through which a country can attract FDI. The study found that FDI in SADC is not entirely driven by the presence of natural resources but by other determining factors such as the infrastructure development and economic growth, which proved to be paramount in attracting FDI. Therefore, the study recommends that SADC should not only adopt structural policy reforms that potentially improve trade openness, but also adopt strategic infrastructure development. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

The design of a country’s tax system is important because of the critical role played by taxation in financing public spending towards economic and social development. In this regard, there is need to enhance the understanding of whether current tax systems in the SADC provide sufficient tax revenue to meet public spending needs. This study provides empirical evidence on the outcomes of existing tax systems in the SADC with the aim of offering a basis for normative evaluation of the regions’ tax policies. Literature posits that there are numerous economic and institutional factors that limit the amount of taxes that a country can actually raise. Against this background, the substantive aim of this study was to assess the determinants of tax capacity and tax effort in the SADC in view of providing a pragmatic approach to tax policy design. The methodology of this study involved the use of both quantitative and qualitative analysis (mixed methods approach) where the latter was used to augment the findings of the former. The first phase involved the use of a multi-step procedure to estimate determinants of tax capacity and tax effort using stochastic tax function and unbalanced panel data for 13 SADC countries. The study disentangled the error term to estimates the random-effects separately from tax effort in order to capture the time- invariant country-specific effects. Further, tax effort was classified persistent (long-run) and transient (short-run). The study was able to estimate the determinants of tax effort and to rank each member state according to its tax effort. The second phase involves a narrative analysis of tax legislation in the SADC over the period 2002-2016. The study used budget statements and Acts of parliament as the major sources of information to identify significant changes in tax legislation over this period. The findings of the quantitative analysis indicate that financial deepening, economic development and trade openness influence tax capacity, while corruption and inflation influence tax effort. In addition, the findings show that the region has low persistent tax effort than transient tax effort, implying that improving tax administration has superseded tax policy reforms. This result is augmented by the narrative record which seemingly shows that tax legislation efforts were largely successful in tax administration but rather limited in view of tax policy. In this regard, the study recommends that tax policy design should be informed by the conditions of a country and policy considerations relating to peculiar circumstances to obtain robust tax policies. / Economics / D. Com. (Economics)

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / After the democratic elections of 1994, the South African government embarked on radical reforms to the apartheid education system, which included the development of a policy that is committed to human rights and social justice. The inclusive education policy, entitled: Education White Paper 6: Special Needs Education: Building an Inclusive Education and Training System (Department of Education, 2001) was released in July 2001. This inclusive education policy brought with it the prospect of changing the structures that promoted exclusionary and discriminatory practices in the education system. While the inclusive education framework is characterised by explicit policy directives, well-defined outcomes and a firm commitment to human rights and social justice, there is a growing realisation that a considerable gap exists between this framework and its effective implementation. The main aim of this study was to understand the factors that facilitate or constrain the implementation of inclusive education in the South African context. These factors were explored through a qualitative case study. A documentary analysis, as well as unstructured and semi-structured interviews was used to collect the data within the context of the research aims, questions, and a framework of categories, drawn from relevant literature, was used to analyse the data. The first major finding of this study was that the implementation of inclusive education policy in South Africa has been facilitated by the school communities' beliefs, values and norms relating to the inclusion of learners with disabilities. The second major fmding of this study is that the designers of the inclusive education policy underestimated the deep-seated socio-economic factors that inhibit effective learning in certain contexts. Poverty was identified as a major constraining factor in the study, followed by the complexities of the National Curriculum Statement, a lack of capacity to implement the policy, lack of support for policy implementation, and the limitations of the Education White Paper 6 itself. Given the facilitating and constraining factors emerging from this study, the recommendations made have been based on the assumption that the implementation of inclusive education policy is a worthwhile endeavour. These recommendations are proposed within three broad areas, namely policy implementation, inclusive education policy, and inclusive education practice. Of these recommendations the following are critical: • The Department of Education should develop differentiated inclusive education guidelines that address inclusion of learners in poverty stricken contexts. • The Department of Education, in conjunction with schools, should create formal and informal communication channels through which stakeholders can raise their views and concerns about the policy of inclusive education and how it should be implemented. • The Department of Education should take full responsibility for the advocacy, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of inclusive education policy, rather than relying on the services of independent providers. • The Department of Education should address the complexities that prevent districts and schools from establishing support structures.

MSCAEC / Department of Agricultural Economics and Agribusiness

MCOM / Department of Economics / The study aimed to empirically examine the impact of foreign direct investment on economic growth in the Southern African Development Community countries for the period 1980-2015. The relation between foreign direct investment and economic growth has been a subject of extensive discussion in the economic literature. The debate revolves around the growth implications of foreign direct investment. The extraordinary increase in global FDI flows in the last three decades triggered an interest to investigate the growth implications of such huge amounts of cross-border capital movements. Owing to this surge in foreign direct investment flows and the effort countries are putting forth to attract it, it would seem straightforward to argue that foreign direct investment would convey net positive effects on economic growth of a host country. From a theoretical standpoint foreign direct investment has been shown to boost economic growth through technology transfer and diffusion. In light of the expected benefits of foreign direct investment, many empirical studies have been conducted on this subject matter. While the explosion of foreign direct investment flows is distinctive, the evidence accumulated on the growth effects remains mixed. Using fixed effect panel data analysis, on the overall, the findings of the study show a negative effect of FDI on economic growth in the SADC countries for the period 1980 to 2015. The findings are not in tandem with theoretical predictions from growth theorists and some empirical studies carried out on the same topic. The findings of the study imply that FDI does not seem to have an independent effect on economic growth for the panel of countries in the SADC region. This maybe because FDI flows to Africa and into the SADC countries, in particular, are channelled mainly to the extractive sector with little to no linkages with the other sectors of the host country economy. The findings of the study also show that the growth-enhancing potential of FDI is higher in middle-income countries than low-income countries in the SADC region.

Unconstitutional changes, especially coups d’états, have undoubtedly eroded peace and security in many parts of the African continent. These occurrences have also stunted the development of democracy in some African states. The African Union (AU), supported by sub-regional bodies, addresses this problem by imposing sanctions on the regimes that acquire power through coups with the aim of restoring political order. However, this sanctions policy has produced mixed results. In some cases, these sanctions managed to succeed in achieving their objectives (Guinea) while in other instances sanctions failed to achieve their objectives (Madagascar). It is therefore imperative to inquire into the circumstances and assess the conditions under which the AU sanctions policies failed and succeeded in restoring political order to states that experience coups d’états. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (M. Com. (Economics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / Investment as one of the main macroeconomic variables can ensure development of infrastructure and economic growth through increasing productivity and attracting investors. This study examined key determinants of investment activities by means of a comparative analysis between the SADC and BRICS groups during the period 2004- 2019. The key variables were the real exchange rate, real interest rate and trade openness. The analysis began by reporting unit roots tests, which paved way for employing Panel Autoregressive Distributive Lag (PARDL) methodology in the existence of different orders of integration. To estimate the long run relationship between the variables, we made use of the panel Johansen cointegration test, Pedroni test, Kao test and the Johansen Fisher cointegration test. Through the PARDL, the exchange rate and trade openness were found to be positive and statistically significant determinants of investment in SADC although statistically insignificant in the BRICS group. In addition, interest rates yielded insignificant results in the SADC region while, on the contrary, yielded a negative and statistically significant relationship in the BRICS group. The Granger causality test indicated a bi-directional causality in the exchange rate-investment and trade openness investment nexus for the SADC group while there was no causality in the BRICS group. It can be concluded that trade openness and exchange rate are key determinants of investment in the SADC region while interest rates are key in the BRICS group. It is therefore recommended that in order to attract investors and boost investment activities the SADC group need to focus more on exchange rate stability and trade openness while the BRICS group need to pay more attention to the flexibility of interest rates. This is beneficial on trading patterns, more for South Africa as it can be found in both groups.

Foreign investments in SADC are regulated by Annex 1 of the SADC Protocol on Finance and Investments (SADC FIP), as well as the laws of SADC Member States. At present, SADC faces the challenge that this regime for the regulation of foreign investments is unstable, unsatisfactory and unpredictable. Furthermore, the state of the rule of law in some SADC Member States is unsatisfactory. This negatively affects the security of foreign investments regulated by this regime. The main reasons for this state of affairs are briefly explained below. The regulatory regime for foreign investments in SADC is unstable, due to recent policy reviews and amendments of key regulatory instruments that have taken place. Major developments in this regard have been the suspension of the SADC Tribunal during 2010, the amendment of the SADC Tribunal Protocol during 2014 to bar natural and legal persons from access to the Tribunal, and the amendment of Annex 1 during 2016 to remove investor access to international investor-state arbitration, better known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). The regulation of foreign investments in SADC has been unsatisfactory, among others because some SADC Member States have failed or neglected to harmonise their investment laws with both the 2006 and the 2016 Annex 1. Furthermore, SADC Member States such as Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Malawi, Mauritius, Seychelles, Eswatini, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe have multiple Regional Economic Community (REC) memberships. This places these Member States in a position whereby they have conflicting interests and treaty obligations. Finally, the future of the regime for the regulation of foreign investments in SADC is unpredictable, due to regional integration efforts such as the recent formation of the COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Zone (T-FTA) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The T-FTA is entitled to have its investment protocol, while the AfCFTA investment protocol will be negotiated from 2018 until 2020. These developments entail that the 2016 Annex 1 will soon be replaced by an investment protocol at either the T-FTA or AfCFTA levels, thereby ushering a new regime for the regulation of foreign investments in SADC. The unknown nature of the future regulations create uncertainty and instability among foreign investors and host states alike. This study analyses the regulation of foreign investments in terms of Annex 1 and selected laws of SADC Member States. In the end, it makes the three findings mentioned above. In order to address these findings, the study makes four recommendations. The first is that foreign investments in SADC must be regulated at African Union (AU) level, by means of an AfCFTA investment protocol (which incidentally is now the case). Secondly, investor-state disputes must be referred to the courts of a host state, optional ISDS, the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJ&HR) or other agreed forum. Thirdly, an African Justice Scoreboard (AJS) must be established. The AJS will act as a gateway to determine whether an investor-state dispute shall be referred to the courts of a host state, ISDS, the ACJ&HR or other forums. Fourthly, the office of an African Investment Ombud (AIO) must be created. The AIO shall facilitate the early resolution of investor-state disputes, so as to reduce the number of disputes that may end-up in litigation or arbitration. / Mercantile Law / LL. D.