This study discusses the case of modernising the Southern African Development Community (SADC) regional payments system facilitated by the SADC Payment System Project. The long-term objective is to have harmonised cross-border and inter-bank settlement systems to facilitate the economic activity such as supporting the flow of trade within the SADC region. The SADC Payment System Project purports to have adopted a strategic management process to achieve its mandate. The modernisation process is in line with the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP). The aim of the RISDP is to provide strategic direction with respect to various SADC programmes and activities and to align the strategic objectives and priorities of SADC with the policies and strategies for achieving its long-term goals. The concept of payment, clearing and settlement system is explained to provide the context within which the national payment system fits in the economic system and its role towards economic development. The first objective of the study is to discuss the strategic management process. The objective of the discussion is to reflect how the strategic management theoretical constructs were translated into practice. The second objective of the study is to explore the environmental and country internal factors that are likely to impact on and delay the fully harmonised regional cross-border and inter-bank settlement systems. Although not exhaustive, the identified factors include; - The structural arrangements of country- specific teams that support the modernisation initiatives, - The availability of skills and capacity to harness the implemented systems within each member country in the SADC region. iii - The influence of foreign fund donors, as a result of a possible duplication of efforts, - The repair state of power supply and communication networks, - The supporting legal and regulatory regimes, - The forms of economic systems, - The influence and the extent of trade flows with the SADC region, and - The resilience banking networks in the facilitation of financial information flows within each member country and externally (internationally). The target population of central bank officials who also take an active role in the modernisation of SADC regional payments systems were requested to provide feedback on the prepared questionnaire to address the above factors. The responses provided are summarised in Chapter 5. It was clear from the responses that the identified factors appeared to pose little challenge for respective member countries. However, additional comments by respondents indicated that there is still a lot of groundwork to be covered. There was an evidence of the need for on-going training in payment systems and to improve communication networks and power supply within each member country, especially on the remote country areas/rural areas. Some members also hinted a warning on developing systems, which would have a potential to become white elephants if other sectors are not developed in parallel to the regional payment systems. / Graduate School of Business Leadership / M.B.L.

Cette étude fait un examen théorique et empirique approfondi des effets de l'intégration économique régionale dans un espace en développement. En prenant le cas de la SADC (Southern African Developpment Community - Communauté des Etats de l'Afrique australe), l'objet est de vérifier si cette coopération Sud-Sud vérifie un ensemble des effets attendus de la régionalisation, à savoir, la création et la déviation de commerce, l'attractivité des investissements directs étrangers, la croissance endogène régionalisée et la synchronisation de l'évolution des économies intégrées. Après avoir présenté la trajectoire du régionalisme austral et les difficultés ainsi que les asymétries des gains liés à ce regroupement basé sur l'hétérogénéité des pays, nous montrons ensuite que l'intégration économique de la SADC génère des effets de création de commerce qui ne découlent pas forcément des effets de détournement, pour cause de raison structurelle. En effet, la SADC est un bloc commercial dont la structure productive ne permet pas de détourner ses échanges avec l'Extérieur, même si certains de nos résultats estiment un léger effet de détournement de commerce de la zone. Dans un autre contexte, nous justifions économétriquement que la SADC est un argument crédible en matière d'attractivité des investissements directs étrangers. La région a fait des efforts pour rendre ses économies attractives. Nos résultats montrent que l'intégration pourrait expliquer les 1/3 des IDE entrants au sein de la région depuis la refondation de l'organisation australe. Le reste des flux entrants serait dû aux effets spécifiques nationaux. On retient également de cette étude que la constitution d'un capital spatial austral semble valider l'hypothèse d'une croissance endogène régionalisée. Autrement dit, la SADC en tant qu'organisation régionale et spatiale serait un facteur de croissance économique pour les pays membres. Les principaux effets induits par la création du bloc austral (créations commerciales et flux des IDE, etc.) ont un impact favorable sur le PIB/tête des pays. Ceci nous amène alors à vérifier si les différents effets issus de la régionalisation australe permettent de surcroît la synchronisation des économies membres dans l'esprit de la théorie de l'endogénéité des critères de la ZMO. D'après nos estimations et nos résultats, il ressort que la teneur de ces effets est insuffisante pour permettre une même trajectoire convergente des économies de la SADC. Cependant, certains signes empiriques montrent que la SADC est une zone disposée à endogénéiser les critères d'optimalité en termes de convergence économique. Autrement dit, elle semble répondre à l'argument de Frankel et Rose (1998), puisque l'effet commercial a un signe négatif malgré le fait qu'il ne soit pas significatif. Enfin, contrairement à ce que l'on peut croire, la création d'une union monétaire au sein de la SADC n'est pas forcément favorable à la synchronisation de l'évolution des économies membres si l'on tient compte de l'évolution actuelle des choses.

<p>Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.</p>

Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.

Thesis (MPhil (Information Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Marketing practitioners and academics are increasingly applying the concepts and techniques of products or services branding to the branding of destinations. To date, most of these studies focussed on using product and services branding concepts for branding destinations on the level of an individual resort, city or country. This thesis extends this trend by considering to what degree these destination branding ideas can also be used to brand an entire region consisting of several countries with multiple destinations. The specific focus is on developing such a regional branding framework for the tourism industry of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). First the state of tourism within the SADC region was described, including the establishment of RETOSA and the tourism performance of the region. On the basis of this overview, opportunities for regional destination branding were then considered. Secondly, the core concepts of product branding and their application to destination branding were discussed. Four theoretical frameworks for branding were reviewed and then used to compare product and destination branding. Thirdly, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was used as a case study of a region that has attempted regional destination branding initiatives, with a view to what the SADC-region may learn from this experience. In conclusion a regional destination branding framework is proposed for the SADC region. The following list makes up the elements of this framework: the vision and mission, the destination brand and its proposition, core values of the destination and its brand identity, brand image, clear view of the market, audience and competitors, brand personality, brand positioning, stakeholder consultation process and tourism marketing research. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bemarkingspraktisyns en akademici pas toenemend die konsepte en tegnieke van produk- en dienste-bemarking op die bemarking van destinasies toe. Tot op hede was die focus van die meeste studies om bemarkingskonsepte toe te pas op destinasies soos `n individuele oort, stad of land. Hierdie tesis gaan verder as dit en oorweeg ook on watter mate hierdie bemarkingsidees ook gebruik kan word om `n hele streek, wat uit verskeie lande bestaan, te bemark. Daar word spesifiek gepoog om `n streeksbemarkingsraamwerk vir die toerismebedryf van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SADC) daar te stel. Eerstens word die stand van toerisme in die SADC-streek beskryf, insluitend die ontwikkeling van SADC en die Streekstoerisme Organisasie van Suider-Afrika (RETOSA). Hierdie oorsig is gebruik om geleenthede vir streeksbemarking te oorweeg. Tweedens worddie kernkonsepte van produkbemarking en hulle toepassing op streeksbemarking bespreek. Vier teoretiese raamwerke vir bemarking word beskou en gebruik om produk- en destinasie-bemarking te vergelyk. Derdens word die Assosiasie van Suidoos-Asiatiese Lande (ASEAN) as `n gevallestudie van `n streek wat sulke bemarkingsinisiatiewe reeds geïmplimenteer het, bestudeer om te sien wat SADC daaruit kan leer. Laastens word `n streeksbemarkingsraamwerk vir die SADC-streek voorgestel. Die elemente waaruit die raamwerk beslaan, sluit die volgende in: die visie en misie, die streekshandelsmerk en sy proposisie, die kernwaardes van die streek en handelsmerkidentiteit, handelsmerkbeeld, oorsig oor die mark, toeskouers en kompetisie, handelsmerkpersoonlikheid, posisionering, insethouer konsultasieproses en toerismemarknavorsing.

The study takes place in the context of the Southern African Development Community’s Regional Environmental Education Programme (SADC REEP). The SADC REEP is a programme of the Food Agriculture and Natural Resources Directorate of the SADC Secretariat. The programme is implemented through four components namely policy, networking, training and learning support materials development. The bulk of the policy budget is in the form of seed funding to support policy initiatives in the member states. The intention of this study is to illuminate factors that influence the deployment and use of seed funding to support environmental education policy processes within the SADC REEP. To sharpen the understanding of the context within which these activities take place, the study looks at the global and regional landscape of policy events and their influence on policy in the sub-region. The study also looks at the landscape of the fields within which environmental education is embedded, the power relations, and the notion of agency in environmental education policy processes. The discourse in environmental education policy processes is analyzed by drawing on Bourdieu’s constructivist structuralism to highlight some of the social and institutional complexities in dynamic fields, capital and policy context. The research takes a qualitative interpretative approach using case study methodology to explore the processes and influences that have a bearing on the SADC REEP policy sub-component, specifically the deployment and use of seed funding for policy initiatives. The findings show the complexity of the variables at play in shaping the processes of developing and reviewing environmental education policies in the sub-region. These variables include discourse that is used, economics and politics of the responsible institutions and actors, as well as relationships between the environmental field and education field. The results point towards a need to clearly understand the policy context within which the SADC REEP is operating in order to make correct assumptions, to develop realist expectations, and to put in place appropriate mechanisms that will effect the expectations. The study recommends further probing of the relationship between the actors and networks in relation to the success of policy processes. It also recommends a further exploration of the SADC REEP’s open-ended approach with respect to articulating the monitoring and consolidation of the successes in supporting environmental education policy processes.

Uma revisão das relações Brasil-África nas últimas quatro décadas, desde a independência dos países africanos, mostra que a África subsaariana deteve um baixo perfil nas prioridades externas brasileiras. A isto se deveu a fraca intensidade de relacionamento entre ambas as partes, assim como a descontinuidade de interesses por parte dos diferentes governos brasileiros, tanto no desenho de estratégias de cooperação, assim como na coordenação de ações conjuntas perante aos Estados desenvolvidos. Factores internos, no Brasil, como a percepção dos diferentes governos militares para com a orientação política externa, a correlação de forças no sistema internacional, com efeitos visíveis em países africanos, relações privilegiadas destes com as suas antigas metrópoles, assim com a forma utilizada por alguns países africanos a ascender à independência, actuaram como elementos positivos ou negativos para uma maior ou menor aproximação entre o Brasil e a África em geral. As relações entre Brasil e Moçambique desde 1975, foram mais profundas no âmbito político do que no comercial, pois a ausência de um sector privado e de um modelo de desenvolvimento escolhido por Moçambique, bem como a guerra civil, acabou por se tornar elementos chave para a retração das intenções brasileiras de manter cooperação econômica sólida com a margem do Índico. A situação se reverteu na década 1990 com as mudanças políticas introduzidas em Moçambique, do ponto de vista da introdução do multipartidarismo e a adoção da economia de mercado. A expectativa de Moçambique em relação ao Brasil aumentou a partir de 2003, com a eleição do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, que enviou um sinal positivo ao colocar o continente africano no centro das atenções da política externa brasileira. Hoje, Moçambique assume-se como um dos maiores parceiros do Brasil na África, o que se consubstancia nos deslocamentos que o presidente brasileiro efectuou. Para Moçambique, a assinatura de diversos protocolos de cooperação não só ajuda o país a se desenvolver, mas também contribui para elevar a sua posição frente aos países vizinhos. / An analysis of Brazil-Africa relations over the last four decades, since the independence of the African countries, reveals the fact that Sub-Saharan Africa has been given low priority in Brazilian foreign interests. Such a position is due to the low intensity of relations between both sides, as well as the discontinuity of interest expressed by different Brazilian governments be at the design of cooperation strategies or the coordination of joint actions before the developed countries. Internal factors in Brazil, such as the military government’s perception about the main lines of the foreign policy, the correlation of forces in the international system, with visible effects on African countries, the privileged relations of the latter with their former colonial powers, as well as the means used by some African countries to achieve independence, have acted at times as positive or negative elements for enhanced or decreased interaction between Brazil and Africa. Brazil’s relations with Mozambique since 1975 have been deeper in the political sphere than in the commercial one, since the absence of a private sector and the development model chosen by Mozambique, as well as the civil war, came to be key elements to the retraction of Brazilian intentions to maintain a solid economic cooperation with a country of the Indian ocean shore. This situation underwent a twist at the beginning of the 1990’s after the political changes that took place in Mozambique when multipartidarism and a market economy were adopted. Mozambican expectations towards Brazil increased from 2003 on, after the election of president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who sent the African continent a positive message by placing it at the center of Brazil’s foreign policy. Today, Mozambique arises as one of Brazil’s biggest partners in Africa, a position made clear through the displacements made by the Brazilian president. On the Mozambican side, the signature of several cooperation protocols not only helps the country develops, but also contributes to enhance its position with regards to neighboring countries.

Uma revisão das relações Brasil-África nas últimas quatro décadas, desde a independência dos países africanos, mostra que a África subsaariana deteve um baixo perfil nas prioridades externas brasileiras. A isto se deveu a fraca intensidade de relacionamento entre ambas as partes, assim como a descontinuidade de interesses por parte dos diferentes governos brasileiros, tanto no desenho de estratégias de cooperação, assim como na coordenação de ações conjuntas perante aos Estados desenvolvidos. Factores internos, no Brasil, como a percepção dos diferentes governos militares para com a orientação política externa, a correlação de forças no sistema internacional, com efeitos visíveis em países africanos, relações privilegiadas destes com as suas antigas metrópoles, assim com a forma utilizada por alguns países africanos a ascender à independência, actuaram como elementos positivos ou negativos para uma maior ou menor aproximação entre o Brasil e a África em geral. As relações entre Brasil e Moçambique desde 1975, foram mais profundas no âmbito político do que no comercial, pois a ausência de um sector privado e de um modelo de desenvolvimento escolhido por Moçambique, bem como a guerra civil, acabou por se tornar elementos chave para a retração das intenções brasileiras de manter cooperação econômica sólida com a margem do Índico. A situação se reverteu na década 1990 com as mudanças políticas introduzidas em Moçambique, do ponto de vista da introdução do multipartidarismo e a adoção da economia de mercado. A expectativa de Moçambique em relação ao Brasil aumentou a partir de 2003, com a eleição do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, que enviou um sinal positivo ao colocar o continente africano no centro das atenções da política externa brasileira. Hoje, Moçambique assume-se como um dos maiores parceiros do Brasil na África, o que se consubstancia nos deslocamentos que o presidente brasileiro efectuou. Para Moçambique, a assinatura de diversos protocolos de cooperação não só ajuda o país a se desenvolver, mas também contribui para elevar a sua posição frente aos países vizinhos. / An analysis of Brazil-Africa relations over the last four decades, since the independence of the African countries, reveals the fact that Sub-Saharan Africa has been given low priority in Brazilian foreign interests. Such a position is due to the low intensity of relations between both sides, as well as the discontinuity of interest expressed by different Brazilian governments be at the design of cooperation strategies or the coordination of joint actions before the developed countries. Internal factors in Brazil, such as the military government’s perception about the main lines of the foreign policy, the correlation of forces in the international system, with visible effects on African countries, the privileged relations of the latter with their former colonial powers, as well as the means used by some African countries to achieve independence, have acted at times as positive or negative elements for enhanced or decreased interaction between Brazil and Africa. Brazil’s relations with Mozambique since 1975 have been deeper in the political sphere than in the commercial one, since the absence of a private sector and the development model chosen by Mozambique, as well as the civil war, came to be key elements to the retraction of Brazilian intentions to maintain a solid economic cooperation with a country of the Indian ocean shore. This situation underwent a twist at the beginning of the 1990’s after the political changes that took place in Mozambique when multipartidarism and a market economy were adopted. Mozambican expectations towards Brazil increased from 2003 on, after the election of president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who sent the African continent a positive message by placing it at the center of Brazil’s foreign policy. Today, Mozambique arises as one of Brazil’s biggest partners in Africa, a position made clear through the displacements made by the Brazilian president. On the Mozambican side, the signature of several cooperation protocols not only helps the country develops, but also contributes to enhance its position with regards to neighboring countries.

Submitted by VICTOR TEODORO DE SOUSA null (vi_teo@hotmail.com) on 2018-02-28T05:32:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Victor Teodoro.pdf: 643908 bytes, checksum: 97cadcb4cc71146e3fd3f83802590866 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-02-28T14:20:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sousa_vt_me_mar.pdf: 643908 bytes, checksum: 97cadcb4cc71146e3fd3f83802590866 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-28T14:20:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sousa_vt_me_mar.pdf: 643908 bytes, checksum: 97cadcb4cc71146e3fd3f83802590866 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta pesquisa objetiva compreender como o pensamento sobre questões internacionais desenvolvido pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) impactou na política externa do governo Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Utiliza-se as produções documentais resultantes dos Congressos, Encontros e Campanhas Presidenciais, produzidos pelo próprio partido entre os anos de 1979 e 2017, para analisar a evolução das discussões sobre a temática internacional. Apresenta-se, por meio de resenhas ano a ano, um panorama amplo sobre a evolução das bases programáticas do PT, evidenciando um processo de mudança identitária, ocorrida durante os anos de 1990 e culminando no início dos anos 2000. Esta mudança representa a ascensão de uma nova pauta em torno da liderança de Lula da Silva: o lulismo. A agenda desta corrente assume posição majoritária na condução do partido. Após a conquista da Presidência em 2002, esta influência é percebida sobre a atuação em política externa do governo. A ação assertiva e condicionantes de variadas matizes alçam o país a um certo protagonismo internacional e regional. O projeto de integração na América do Sul passa a ser um território de disputa entre dois modelos: o lulismo e o bolivarianismo chavista. Condicionantes conjunturais dão maior espaço à atuação brasileira na região. O país adota uma postura moderada e conciliatória no subcontinente sul-americano, ao passo que expressa uma posição reformista no plano internacional. Nesta seara são propostas as iniciativas da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul) e do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano (CDS), ambos em 2008. Dada a importância destes organismos para a integração sul-americana, analisamos o impacto das disputas entre os diferentes projetos políticos para a região e da política externa adotada pelo governo Lula para a integração em defesa. Conclui-se que a dinâmica de disputa regional impulsionou as iniciativas de integração, tendo um papel importante para a consolidação de um espaço de diálogo e concertação, representado por estes órgãos. O Brasil destaca-se como figura central neste processo, pela posição moderadora e pragmática que adotou e do projeto político interno que desenvolveu. / This research aims to understand how the thinking about international issues developed by Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) has impacted the foreign policy of Lula da Silva government (2003-2010). Documentary productions resulting from the National Conventions, Meetings and Presidential Campaigns produced by the party itself between 1979 and 2017 are used to analyze the evolving discussions on international thematic. An overview of evolving PT's programmatic bases is presented annually through reviews, evidencing a process of identity change that took place during the 1990s and culminating in the early 2000s. This change represents the rise of a new agenda around the leadership of Lula da Silva: the lulismo. The agenda of this internal trend takes a majority position in the board of the party. After winning the Presidency in 2002, this influence is perceived on the government’s foreign policy performance. By assertive action and constraints of different shades raise the country to a certain international and regional projection. The integration project in South America becomes a territory in the dispute between two models: lulismo and bolivarianismo. Situational factors give greater space to the Brazilian performance in the region. The country adopts a moderate and conciliatory stance in the South American subcontinent, while expressing a reformist stance on the international plane. In this environment, the initiatives for the Union of South American Nations (Unasur) and the South American Defense Council (SADC), both in 2008, are proposed. By the importance of these organizations for South American integration, we analyze the impact of disputes between the different political projects for the region and the foreign policy adopted by Lula government in defense integration. It is concluded that the regional dispute dynamics has boosted integration initiatives, playing an important role in the consolidation of a space to dialogue and consultation, represented by these bodies. Brazil stands out as a central figure in this process, for the moderating and pragmatic position it adopted and for the internal political project it developed. / Esta investigación objetiva comprender cómo el pensamiento sobre cuestiones internacionales desarrollado por el Partido de los Trabajadores brasileño (PT) impactó en la política exterior del gobierno Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Se utilizan los documentos resultantes de los Congresos, Encuentros y Campañas Presidenciales, producidos por el propio partido entre los años 1979 y 2017, para analizar la evolución de las discusiones sobre la temática internacional. Se presenta, por medio de reseñas año tras año, un panorama amplio sobre la evolución de las bases programáticas del PT, evidenciando un proceso de cambio de identidad ocurrido durante los años 1990 y culminando a principios de los años 2000. Este cambio representa la ascensión de una nueva pauta en torno al liderazgo de Lula da Silva: el lulismo. La agenda de esta corriente asume una posición mayoritaria en la conducción del partido. Después de la conquista de la Presidencia en 2002, esta influencia se percibe sobre la actuación en política exterior del gobierno. La acción asertiva y condicionantes de variadas matices alza al país a un cierto protagonismo internacional y regional. El proyecto de integración en América del Sur pasa a ser un territorio de disputa entre dos modelos: el lulismo y el bolivarianismo chavista. Los condicionantes coyunturales dan mayor espacio a la actuación brasileña en la región. El país adopta una postura moderada y conciliadora en el subcontinente sudamericano, mientras que expresa una posición reformista a nivel internacional. En este contexto se proponen las iniciativas de la Unión de Naciones Sudmericanas (UNASUR) y del Consejo de Defensa Sudamericano (CDS), ambas en 2008. Dada la importancia de estos organismos para la integración sudamericana, analizamos el impacto de las disputas entre los diferentes proyectos políticos para la región y la política exterior adoptada por el gobierno de Lula para la integración en defensa. Se concluye que la dinámica de disputa regional impulsó las iniciativas de integración, teniendo un papel importante para la consolidación de un espacio de diálogo y concertación, representado por estos órganos. Brasil se destaca como figura central en este proceso, por la posición moderadora y pragmática que adoptó y del proyecto político interno que desarrolló.

This essay deals with the topic of regional integration in Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as an example, it seeks to answer the question what constitutes a successful region organisation. To do this a number of criteria defining success were developed and subsequently applied to the SADC, the main one beeing the organisations ability to adapt to change. In order to be able to show whether and how the SADC has reacted to and accommodated changes, the analysis was built around a description of the historical evolution of the SADC(C). The changes made by the SADC (political structure, membership, goals) have been summarised and assessed. Special attention was paid to the (potential) problems identified by Winfried Lang (1982). Guided by the thoughts of Winfried Lang and the criteria used in this essay defining what constitutes a successful regional organisation, we find that the Southern African Development Community is rather successful. The SADCC seems to have created a good basis for integration, and the organisation has proven ist ability to adapt to changes, even if they are as all-embracing as the end of the apartheid regime in the RSA and the subsequent membership of the former opponent. One can thus suppose that the SADC could, if necessary, accomodate changed circumstances again, and is thus unlikely to become one of the many failed regional organisations in Africa.