Reading Augustine’s letters as a collection proves useful for understanding his theory in practice of the significance of others—the moral status of love for others—particularly since the conditions of the letter (absence, writing) engender expressions of lack and desire for the other. With Augustine, this desire is frequently in tension with his Neoplatonic and Christian philosophical commitments which valorise the Creator over the creature, universally-directed love over private love, and the soul over the body. Following these tensions between theory and practice chronologically through the letters shows his changing responses to the significance of the other, in terms of their bodily presence and their individual interior experience. Moreover, Augustine’s developing theory of the afterlife as a place of continued embodiment and the fulfilment of intimacy corresponds to and models Augustine’s responses to absence and longing in this life. / Graduate

Aquest treball gira entorn a la controvèrsia que, des de finals del segle XIX, va generar el passatge de les Confessions (VIII, 6-12) on Agustí relata la seva crisi decisiva, viscuda a Milà l'estiu de l'any 386, que l'acabaria portant a l'aparent definitiva conversió al cristianisme. Els motius de fons de la controvèrsia són dos de clars. En primer lloc, i a la llum del que nosaltres entenem per gènere autobiogràfic, s'imposa aclarir si un relat com el de les Confessions s'hi pot adscriure, i per tant si ens relata una sèrie d'esdeveniments viscuts per Agustí històricament, o bé si cal interpretar els elements que l'autor desplega al llarg de la narració com a símbols d'un missatge que supera la narració que es troba a la superfície. La segona qüestió, directament vinculada a la primera, és el sentit que cal donar a aquesta conversió en relació a la noció de forma de vida filosòfica, i la influència que tindrà aquesta noció en la biografia i el pensament d'Agustí. / This work analyses the controversy that arises at the end of the XIX century around the passage of Confessions VIII, 6-12 where Augustine reveals his decisive crisis, which took place in Milan during the summer of 386, and that apparently lead him to the definitive conversion to Christianity. The main reasons of the controversy are two. First of all, and in relation of what we understand by autobiographical genre, we need to understand if a narrative like Confessions can be related to autobiography, and so, if this work tells us a chain of events historically lived by Augustine, or if we must interpret the events that the author develops along the narrative as a symbolic whole that stands beyond the surface of the narrative. The second question, directly related to the first one, is the sense we have to give to this conversion in relation to the concept of philosophical form of life, and the influence that this notion will have in Augustine's biography and thought.

Within recent political theory, political liberalism has answered the question of how to deal with pluralism in contemporary society largely in terms of tolerance. Prompted by the same question, agonistic political theory has been in search of a way to move beyond liberal invocations of tolerance to a deeper celebration of difference. This project tells the story of the move within political theory from tolerance to difference, and the concomitant move from epistemology to ontology, through an exposition of the work of liberal theorists John Rawls and Richard Rorty and of agonistic, or post-Nietzschean, political theorists Chantal Mouffe and William Connolly. From a theological perspective, the ontological turn within recent theory can be seen as a welcome development, as can the desire to expand our capacity to engage with difference and to augment our current political imagination given contemporary conditions of pluralism. Yet the sufficiency of the answers and ontology put forward by both political liberalism and post-Nietzschean political thought needs to be seriously questioned. Indeed, the ontological turn in political theory opens the way for a theological turn, for theology is equally concerned with questions of human being and 'what there is' more generally. To make this 'theological turn,' I look to Saint Augustine, and the ontology disclosed though his writings, to see what theological resources he offers for an engagement with difference. Through this discussion we re-discover Augustine's Heavenly City as the place in which unity and diversity, harmony and plurality can come together in ways that are not possible outside of participation in the Triune God. Yet this does not mean that the Heavenly City is to take over the earthly city. By putting Augustine into conversation with more recent theologians such as John Milbank, Karl Barth, and William Cavanaugh, we consider the relationship between the Heavenly City and the earthly city and we offer a picture in which renewed and expanded conceptions of 'public' and 'conversation' open the way for rich engagement between the many different particularities that constitute a pluralist society.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:11:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 709603 bytes, checksum: 5e089b4c6f31e1d4e99693fff85eb6dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-11-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Based on a little text by Saint Augustine, named De Beata Vita, written during a cultural retreat in 388 B.C., this paper aimed at comprehending the reasons that drive the mankind, in a universal attitude, to seek a happy life, as well as understanding the ways proposed by Augustine to reach what is, according to himself, the only purpose for which people think philosophically (Conf. I, I, 1). It was possible to verify, then, that the Bishop of Hippo, entirely submissive to Christian faith and under great influence of the eudemonistic Greeck tradition, developed a practica, fundamentally ethical and moral philosophy, which, by exalting virtue and disengaging from merely temporal values, sought happiness in what was not perishable. For all that is subject to time may have its nature corrupted by the evil, which, in his comprehension, is the lack or distortion of what is good. Acknowledging then that only God is eternal and not subject to time, and that He could not be lost or modified, Augustine inferred that seeking happiness was, inevitably, seeking God. However, he knew that men could not reach God by their own effort, given that He is infinite. So, some divine helpe becomes necessary: grace. At this point, Augustine separated from the Greek, as he substituted human knowledge whith divine knowledge. Thus, without abandoning intelligible comprehensio, necessary for recognizing what coud be called beata vita, he tries, through conscience experience and auto comprehension, to find spiritual plenitude, in which would be perfect Truth and true freedom, without which living true happiness would be impossible. / Foi a partir do pequeno texto de Santo Agostinho, intitulado De Beata Vita, obra escrita em um retiro cultural no ano de 388 d.C., que o presente trabalho procurou compreender as razões que levam a humanidade, em uma atitude universal, a buscar a vida feliz, bem como entender os caminhos propostos por Agostinho para alcançar este que é, segundo ele mesmo, o único propósito para o qual se pensa filosoficamente (Conf. I, I, 1). Verificou-se, então, que o Bispo de Hipona, inteiramente submisso à fé cristã e sob forte influência da tradição grega eudemonista, desenvolveu uma filosofia prática, fundamentalmente ético-moral, que, exaltando a virtude e se desvencilhando dos valores meramente temporais, buscava a felicidade naquilo que não é perecível. Pois, tudo que é sujeito ao tempo pode ter a sua natureza afetada pelo mal, que, em seu entendimento, é ausência ou distorção daquilo que é bom. Reconhecendo, então, que somente Deus é eterno e não está sujeito ao tempo, não podendo ser perdido ou modificado, entendia que buscar a felicidade era, inevitavelmente, buscar a Deus, porém, sabia não ser através dos próprios esforços que o homem chega a Deus, posto que Ele é infinito, então, necessário se faz o auxílio divino: a graça. Neste ponto separou-se dos gregos, pois substituiu a sabedoria humana, pela sabedoria divina. E assim, sem prescindir das compreensões inteligíveis, necessárias para o reconhecimento daquilo que pode ser chamado de beata vita, tenta por intermédio das experiências e da autocompreensão da consciência, encontrar a plenitude espiritual, na qual estaria a perfeita Verdade e a verdadeira liberdade, sem as quais seria impossível vivenciar a verdadeira felicidade.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Piva.pdf: 408423 bytes, checksum: 724b19f54fd1334527b0ab955cef1604 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-23 / In this work the author begins with a short historic introduction about Saint Augustine, John Calvin and Free Will in order to deal specifically with their similarities and differences concerning this subject. His goal is to contribute to a larger understanding about the human will and its limitations from the perspective of Science of Religion, thus enlarging the field of knowledge of the humanities. / Neste trabalho o autor faz uma pequena introdução histórica sobre Santo Agostinho, João Calvino e o tema Livre-Arbítrio para tratar especificamente das convergências e divergências entre estes dois teólogos sobre o referido tema. Seu objetivo é contribuir para o maior entendimento sobre a questão da vontade humana e suas limitações sob o ponto de vista das Ciências da Religião, ampliando assim o campo do conhecimento das humanidades.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augustine of Hippo remains one of the most prominent and influential figures in the world of Catholicism, famous for his many writings and sermons on Catholic Christianity as well as his ardent defence of it. His debate with Fortunatus, a member of the Manichaean faith presented Augustine with one of his defining moments as a member of the Catholic clergy. This is because Augustine had only been a presbyter in the Church at Hippo for a few months when this debate took place and therefore had much at stake against his wily opponent. To make matters even more complicated for Augustine, he himself had been a Manichee for at least nine years and knew Fortunatus as a skilled debater. But rhetoric, or the art of persuasion, was a field in which Augustine excelled, having both a natural proclivity for speaking as well as the formal education behind it. Chapter one begins with an introduction to the debate, the primary characters, and the religions involved. Chapter two continues with an exposition of Augustine and his association with Manichaeism and then goes on to describe Augustine‟s anti-Manichaean works. From this point, chapter two continues with a section on Manichaeism, its spread, its myth and its practice. From this contextual basis, chapter three deals with the methodology of Critical Discourse Analysis and the three most important characters in the form of Halliday, Fairclough and van Dijk. This chapter is followed by another chapter on theory: Argumentation Theory. Chapter four includes subsections on van Eemeren and his methodologies of Pragma-Dialectics and Strategic Maneuvering. The analysis chapters of this dissertation begin with chapter five which deals with concepts from Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation Theory. This chapter includes subsections on categories of enquiry, followed by a section on a number of recurring devices, namely: answering questions, changing the topic and quoting scripture. A Critical Discourse Analysis section follows with subsections that include difference, evaluation and knowledge as a common ground component of contexts. This in turn is followed by sections on Argumentation Theory and Strategic Maneuvering, which include subsections on economy, efficacy and coherence; realism and wellfoundedness; logical reasoning process and pragmatic inferences; reasonableness versus effectiveness; the rhetorical perspective; discussion strategies; dialectical aims versus rhetorical aims and deceptive manoeuvring. The final analysis chapter, the Contra Fortunatum in context, includes subsections on the opening of the debate, the structure of the debate and the topics of discussion. Within this last section subsections on the Nebridian conundrum, the origin of evil, and free will occur. The next subsection dicusses topics not mentioned in the debate: the Manichaean myth, Mani and the previous friendship between Fortunatus and Augustine. Following this there are sections on Manichaeism presenting itself as a form of Christianity, the debaters talking past each other and the issues of audience composition and power relations between the various role players. Chapter seven takes a concluding look at the issue of who should be designated the winner of the debate. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus van Hippo bly een van die mees prominente en invloedryke figure in die wêreld van die Katolisisme, bekend vir sy vele skrywes en preke oor die Katolieke Christendom sowel as sy ywerige verdediging daarvan. Sy debat met Fortunatus, ʼn lid van die Manichese geloof, het aan Augustinus een van die bepalende oomblikke in sy rol as Katolieke geestelike besorg. Die rede hiervoor is dat Augustinus ten tyde van die debat nog net ʼn paar maande ʼn presbiter in die kerk in Hippo was; daarom was daar baie op die spel in die debat teen hierdie gedugte opponent. Om dinge selfs nog meer ingewikkeld vir Augustinus te maak, was hy self vir ten minste nege jaar 'n Manicheër en was hy bekend met Fortunatus se retoriese vermoëns. Retoriek, of die kuns van oorreding, was egter 'n veld waarin Augustinus uitgeblink het. Hy het beide ʼn natuurlike aanvoeling vir redevoering sowel as ʼn formele opleiding gehad. Hoofstuk een van die proefskrif begin met ʼn inleiding tot die debat, die hoofkarakters en die gelowe wat betrokke is. Hoofstuk twee gaan voort met ʼn uiteensetting van Augustinus en sy assosiasie met die Manichese geloof en beskryf ook Augustinus se anti-Manichese werke. Van hier af gaan hoofstuk twee dan verder met 'n afdeling oor die Manichese geloof, die mitologie en lewenswyse, sowel as die verspreiding van die Manicheïsme. Met hierdie kontekstuele agtergrond as basis handel hoofstuk drie oor die metodologie van Kritiese Diskoersanalise en die drie belangrikste eksponente van hierdie teoretiese rigting, Halliday, Fairclough en Van Dijk. Hierdie hoofstuk word gevolg deur nog ʼn teoretiese hoofstuk wat handel oor Argumentasieteorie. Hoofstuk vier sluit onderafdelings in oor Van Eemeren en sy metodologieë van Pragma-Dialektiek en Strategiese Maneuvers. Die ontledingshoofstukke van hierdie proefskrif begin by hoofstuk vyf wat handel oor Kritiese Diskoersanalise en Argumentasieteorie. Hierdie hoofstuk sluit onderafdelings in oor kategorieë van ondersoek, opgevolg deur ʼn gedeelte oor 'n aantal herhalende tegnieke: die beantwoording van vrae, die verandering van die onderwerp en skrifaanhalings. ʼn Volgende afdeling oor Kritiese Diskoersanalise volg daarop met onderafdelings wat verskil, evaluasie en kennis as ʼn gemeenskaplike komponent op die terrein van konteks insluit. Hierop volg 'n afdeling oor Strategiese Maneuvers. Laasgenoemde sluit onderafdelings in oor ekonomie, doeltreffendheid en koherensie; realisme en gegrondheid; logiese denkprosesse en pragmatiese gevolgtrekkings; redelikheid versus effektiwiteit; die retoriese perspektief; besprekingstrategieë; dialektiese doelwitte versus retoriese doelwitte en maneuvers van misleiding. Die finale ontledingshoofstuk, getiteld die Contra Fortunatum in konteks, sluit onderafdelings in oor die openingsreëls van die debat, die struktuur van die debat en tematiek daarvan. In die laaste afdelings word die kwessies van die Nebridiese vraagstuk, die oorsprong van boosheid en die vrye wil ingesluit. Die volgende onderafdeling bevat onderwerpe wat nie in die debat behandel word nie: die Manichese mite, Mani en die vroeëre vriendskap tussen Fortunatus en Augustinus. Daarop volg die afdelings oor die Manichese strategie om hierdie godsdiens as Christelike godsdiens voor te stel, die deelnemers se taktiek om verby mekaar te praat asook oor die samestelling van die gehoor en kwessie van die magsverhoudinge tussen die onderskeie rolspelers. Die laaste hoofstuk sluit samevattend af met 'n kort bespreking van die kwessie van wie as die wenner van die debat beskou moet word.

Project (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 2008. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 158-163, 217-221)

Project (D. Min.)--New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary, 2008. / Abstract and vita. Description based on Print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 158-163, 217-221)

Augustine has had a large influence on the development of western theology, and nowhere is this more obvious that in Martin Luther's understanding of God, humankind and grace. Yet at the same time there are also significant differences in the two churchmen's thought. Sometimes these differences are subtle, such as their views of the state; other times they are not so subtle, such as their positions on free will or their praise of philosophy and its usefulness in sounding the depth of Christianity. In order to best explain these varying views, one must look at Augustine's and Luther's diverging opinions of man's nature where one will see that the dissimilarities are best understood in light of Luther's pessimistic view of humanity.

In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.