A change in surface condition of a watershed, which is usually caused by development, can have measured effects on the naturally occurring hydrologic cycle and nitrogen cycle. This could result in environmental problems, such as reduced springflow and eutrophication. In an effort to address these issues, a combination of best management practices (BMPs) can be adhered to. The practice of using excess stormwater as a source for irrigation is proposed as a BMP for the minimization of impacts by development to the hydrologic and nitrogen cycles. To study the proposed BMP, a field experiment was installed in an outdoor location on the UCF main campus in Orlando, Florida. The experiment consists of three soil chambers, (2x2x4 ft, L:W:H), filled with compacted soil and covered with St. Augustine grass to simulate a suburban lawn. The grass was irrigated up to twice a week with detained stormwater with a nitrate nitrogen concentration of up to 2 mg/L. A mass balance and a total nitrogen balance were performed to determine evapotranspiration (ET) and impacts on groundwater nitrogen content. It was determined that the groundwater characteristics are largely dependent on the characteristics of the soil. The input nitrogen (precipitation and irrigation) was mostly in the form of nitrate and the output nitrogen (groundwater) was mostly in the form of ammonia. A total nitrogen mass balance indicated the mass output of nitrogen was significantly larger than mass input of nitrogen, which was due to ammonia leaching from the soil. Only small concentrations of nitrate were detected in the groundwater, resulting in an estimated nitrate removal (conversion to ammonia) of 97 percent at a depth of four feet when the input nitrate concentration was 2 mg/L. The average ET of the three chambers was compared to the estimated ET from the modified Blaney-Criddle equation on a monthly basis and a yearly basis. The modified Blaney-Criddle equation was proven to be accurate for estimating the actual ET for this application: irrigated St. Augustine grass in the Central Florida climate. In conclusion, using the available literature and the data collected from the field experiment, it was shown through an example design problem that the proposed BMP of using excess stormwater as a source for irrigation can help achieve a pre- versus postdevelopment volume balance and can help control post-development nitrate emissions.

Il s’agit d’une thèse en cotutelle élaborée dans la cadre d’une coopération francotunisienne, entre l’Université de Tunis et de Lyon 2, sous la conjointe direction de Dr. Samir Aounallah et de Dr. Paul Mattei. Le travail, commencé en mois d’avril 2010, se rapporte sur l’action de l’Église d’Afrique dans la cité de l’édit de tolérance constantinien jusqu’à l’invasion vandale. Le manque d’un travail approfondi et spécifié en ce qui concerne ce thème compte parmi les raisons qui nous ont poussé à entamer cette recherche. Au niveau thématique, nous avons essayé de déterminer en quoi la définition du terme abstrait auctoritas et du son nom d’agent auctor qui (celui qui donne la garantie et le concours à ses dépendants) peut exprimer l’action de l’évêque préoccupé de l’intérêt de ses fidèles. En ce qui concerne les différentes manifestions de l’autorité judiciaire civile de l’Église,nous avons essayé d’examiner attentivement les différences de sens entre audientia episcopalis et iudicium ecclesiasticum. L’audientia episcopalis se charge des litiges civils entre laïcs ; le iudicium ecclesiasticum s’occupe des litiges privés et des crimes publics mais relevant du for clérical, impliquant des clercs. De plus, la composition de l’audientia episcopalis, telle que nous l’avons précisé, est originale : elle se réduisait à un seul juge, l’évêque. Dans le domaine social, l’autorité de l’Église se manifeste essentiellement dans l’assistance aux pauvres. Pour mieux comprendre l’action de l’Église, nous avons d’abord essayé de définir la pauvreté en Afrique, en prenant en considération le paramètre économique. Sur le plan linguistique, nous avons pu remarquer l’emploi capital et générique de l’adjectif pauper et de ses divers dérivés dans la signification de la pauvreté à l’époque tardive en Afrique. En outre, l’enquête sur les termes signifiant la pauvreté économique dans les textes de saint Augustin nous a permis de dresser la liste suivante : debilis ; egens ; esuriens ; indigens ; inferior ; infirmus ; inops ; mediocris ; mendicus ; miser ; pauper ; plebs ; tenuis. Pareillement, l’emploi massif de pauper durant toute la période qui nous intéresse tendrait à prouver l’empreinte chrétienne sur le droit romain. En effet, nous dénombrons 20 occurrences du mot pauper dans le Code théodosien, dont 10 en rapport avec l’Église. Cependant, il est permis de dire que les textes tardifs se sont inspirés de ceux du Haut-Empire où le mot pauper apparaît, à 17 reprises. L’examen de l’œuvre de saint Augustin a permis de faire le portrait du pauvre en tenant compte d’un certain nombre de conditions différentes : condition matérielle (le pauvre est celuiqui a faim, qui est sans logis, qui vit dans la nudité et dont les vêtements sont très rudimentaires) et incapacité physique. Il faudrait aussi se fonder sur le paramètre juridique quand on est appelé à parler des esclaves, des colons et des étrangers. Dans la même optique, de nombreux traits ont contribué, à leur tour, au portrait exact du pauvre. La pauvreté peut concerner les détenus des prisons publiques, les captifs, les prostituées, les veuves, les orphelins, les mineurs et les victimes de l’usure. De plus, nous avons établi une échelle de la pauvreté : 1. l’entière pauvreté. 2. la pauvreté due aux contraintes de l’oppression et des crises accidentelles dans les zones urbaines aussi bien que dans les zones rurales. 3. la pauvreté relative : celle qui concerne les personnes qui disposent de ressources à peine suffisantes ou modestes (mediocres) pour vivre. Les textes africains montrent que, en Afrique, les pauvres opprimés étaient issus de milieux aussi bien urbains que ruraux, alors que les sources italiennes montrent que, en Italie, les pauvres opprimés viennent surtout des zones rurales.De surcroît, toujours en Afrique, des faits cités en rapport avec la prise en charge des pauvres, on déduit que les nécessiteux qui recourent àl’assistance de l’Église se concentrent dans les villes.... / This thesis was elaborated in the framework of a Franco-Tunisian cooperation between the University of Tunis and Lyon 2, under the joint direction of Dr. Samir AOUNALLAH and Dr. Paul MATTEI. The work which begun in April 2010 refers to the action of the Church in Africa in the city from the tolerance edict of Constantine until the Vandal invasion. The lack of a detailed and specified work regarding this subject is among the reasons that led us to begin this research. Thematically speaking, we have tried to determine how the definition of the term auctoritas and his agent name auctor (who gives the guarantee and support to its dependent) may express the bishop's action preoccupied by the interests of his faithfuls. As regards to the different manifestations of the civil judicial authority of the Church, we have tried to examine the differences in meaning between audientia episcopalis and iudicium ecclesiasticum. The audientia episcopalis takes care of the civil disputes between laity ; the iudicium ecclesiasticum was occupied by the private disputes and public crimes but evolving from the clerics. Moreover, the composition of the audientia episcopalis, as we mentioned, is original : it was reduced to a single judge : the bishop. In the social sphere, the Church's authority occurs mainly in helping poor. To better understand the action of the Church, we first tried to define poverty in Africa, taking into consideration the economic setting. Linguistically, we have noticed the capital employment and generic adjective pauper and its various derivatives in the meaning of poverty in the late period in Africa. Furthermore, the investigation of the terms mean economic poverty in St. Augustine texts enabled us to draw up the following list : debilis ; egens ; esuriens ; indigent ; inferior ; infirmus ; inops ; mediocris ; mendicus ; miser ; pauper ; plebs ; tenuis. Similarly, the massive use of pauper throughout the relevant period would tend to prove the Christian imprint on Roman law. Indeed, we count 20 occurrences of the word pauper in the Theodosian Code, 10 of which related to the Church. However, it is allowed to say that the later legal texts were inspired by those of the High Empire where the word pauper appears 17 times. The review of the work of St. Augustine has enabled us to portray the poor taking into account a number of different conditions : physical condition (the poor is one who is hungry, who is homeless, living in the nudity and whose clothes are very rudimentary) and physical disability. We should also be based on the legal parameter when we speak of slaves, colonos and foreigners. In the same meaninig, many features have contributed to explain the exact portrait of the poor. Poverty can concern prisoners, prostitutes, widows, orphans, minors and victims of usury. In addition, we have established a scale of poverty : 1. the entire poverty. 2. poverty due to constraints of oppression and accidental crises in urban areas as well as in rural areas. 3. relative poverty : it concerns people who have modest resources (mediocres) to live. African texts show, that in Africa, the poor were oppressed in both urban and rural areas,while Italian sources show the oppressed poor come mostly from rural areas in Italy. Moreover, always in Africa, we deduce that the needy who use the Church's assistance are concentrated in cities, while documents are mute, apparently, on the Church's assistance in rural areas. Therefore, we found a lack of charitable institutions of the Church in the rural areas where its action is concentrated mainly on the fight against injustice. We have also showed that the Church in Africa has established an assistance system based on a triple base : biblical, imperial and canon law. Then, we have found the constitution of the necessary bases from assistance to action, i.e. to enrich the church’s assets, establishment of the charitable institutions, admonition to help those in need....

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dayvid da Silva.pdf: 1495725 bytes, checksum: 8d277fe01cdd12f6310f0828ccf14b5f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-22 / This study intends to work up the origins fault topic and its consequences to human nature, which will be called in the 5th century Original Sin by Saint Augustine, directly in reference to Adam s sin. However, before dealing with Adam s sin, as related in Judeo-Christian Holy Writ, aiming at answering the question that names this dissertation Original Sin: an Augustinian inheritance? , it seemed advisable to increase research field, although moderately. So the possibility of finding the idea of origins fault in other traditions is considered, as related in the Book of Genesis. As a result, before entering the biblical narration about Adam s and Eve s sin, this research studies other myths, namely: Prometheus s and Pandora s myth; Zoroastrian Myth on the world creation. After analyzing the above mentioned myths, the study focuses on the biblical narration about Adam s and Eve s sin and its interpretation by Paul the Apostle and by Church Fathers, who had in Saint Augustine s thought their theological systemization under construction about Adam s sin. A systemization that takes place mainly because of Pelagian controversy, which denied human nature s defectibility attributed to the first parents sin, called by Augustine original sin . Finally, the influence of Augustinian thought concerning the original sin in the Church will be studied; the first definitions; Augustinian thought through two great Scholastic theologians: Anselm of Canterbury and Thomas Aquinas; the Council of Trent and the dogmatic definition to all the Church about the original sin, based on Augustine s thought; the relation between two dogmas: Original Sin and Immaculate Conception; the concept of original sin in face of new scientific discovers and of the Second Vatican Council. Thus this study intends to ponderate the concept of original sin not properly as an Augustinian idea, but an idea that is part of human thought, because when asking about the existing goods in the created reality, it is asked also about evil existence / O presente estudo tem por objetivo trabalhar o tema da falta das origens e suas consequências para a natureza humana, que, no século 5, será chamado por Santo Agostinho de Pecado Original , fazendo referência direta ao pecado de Adão. Porém, antes de se falar do pecado de Adão, como se encontra nas Escrituras judaico-cristãs, visando responder à questão que dá título à dissertação Pecado Original: uma herança agostiniana? , achou-se por bem ampliar, mesmo que de forma moderada, o campo de pesquisa. Dessa forma, cogita-se a possibilidade de em outras tradições se encontrar o tema da falta das origens, como se faz presente no livro do Gênesis. Desta forma, antes de se adentrar no relato bíblico do pecado de Adão e Eva, esta pesquisa se detém em outros mitos, a saber: o mito de Prometeu e Pandora; o Mito de Tântalo; o Mito zoroástrico da criação do mundo. Analisados tais mitos, parte-se para o estudo do relato bíblico do pecado de Adão e Eva e a interpretação que se fizera deste pecado, principalmente pelo apóstolo Paulo e pelos padres da Igreja, que encontram em Santo Agostinho um sistematizador da teologia que se estava construindo sobre o pecado de Adão. Uma sistematização que acontece, principalmente, por causa da querela pelagiana, que negava a defectibilidade da natureza humana advinda com o pecado dos primeiros pais. A este pecado, Agostinho chamará pecado original . Por fim, estudar-se-á a influência do pensamento agostiniano sobre o pecado original na Igreja; as primeiras definições; o pensamento de Agostinho em dois grandes teólogos da escolástica: Anselmo de Cantuária e Tomás de Aquino; o concílio de Trento e a definição dogmática para toda Igreja do pecado original, tendo como base o pensamento de Agostinho; o encontro de dois dogmas: Pecado Original e Imaculada Conceição; a ideia de pecado original diante das novas descobertas científicas e do concílio Vaticano II. Assim, este estudo trabalha a ideia de pecado original não como uma ideia propriamente agostiniana, mas como tema da reflexão humana, pois, ao se questionar sobre os bens que existem na realidade criada, questiona-se também a existência do mal

Héritier de la culture classique antique et ancien professeur de rhétorique, Augustin d'Hippone (354-430) est l'auteur d'une oeuvre vaste et variée où il s'illustre comme un théologien, philosophe, pasteur à la pensée originale et puissante. Il n'est pas connu cependant comme historien et n'est pas l'auteur d'ouvrages spécifiquement historiques. Pourtant, comme évêque africain et autorité intellectuelle reconnue de ses contemporains, il a été amené à s'engager dans des controverses pour lesquelles il a utilisé une argumentation historique construite avec rigueur.Les méthodes avec lesquelles Augustin rassemble et critique ses sources et interprète l'histoire sont étudiées à partir de la Cité de Dieu et des traités anti-donatistes. Elles sont analysées en fonction du contexte culturel antique, à l'aide des réflexions historiographiques contemporaines. De quelle façon Augustin répond-il aux exigences d'un travail historique lorsqu'il aborde l'histoire de Rome et de l'Église ?Les recherches ont été menées en trois étapes pour envisager tout d'abord Augustin comme historien de Rome et particulièrement de la République romaine, puis comme historien du rôle de la religion (païenne et chrétienne) à Rome, et enfin comme historien du schisme donatiste en Afrique. Ces axes d'études permettent d'approfondir l'analyse des méthodes d'Augustin et de mettre en valeur une progression, d'un travail accompli à partir de sources secondaires sur une époque éloignée, à un travail mené partir d'une documentation qu'il réunit lui-même sur l'histoire de l'Église de son temps. / Steeped in ancient classical culture and a former professor of rhetoric, Augustine of Hippo (354-430) is considered as a distinguished theologian, philosopher, and pastor, with original andpowerful thoughts. He is not known as a historian, and is not the author of historical works.However, as a bishop and an intellectual authority recognized by his contemporaries, he wasconducted to conduct controversies during which he used a rigorously built historicalargumentation.The way Augustine collects and criticizes his sources, and interprets history, are studied based onCity of God and anti-Donatist writings. These are analyzed taking account to ancient culturalcontext, and using contemporary historiographical approach. Does Augustin reach the historicalwork standard when he addresses the history of Rome and the Church ?The research was conducted in three stages ; first considering Augustine as an historian of Romeand especially of the Roman Republic, then as an historian of the role of pagan and Christianreligion in Rome, and finally as an historian of the Donatist schism in Africa. These steps revealthe progression of Augustine methods, from a work based on secondary sources dealing with anancient period, to a work conducted from documents that he personnally gathers on thecontemporary history of the Church.

Los “valores” son percibidos emocionalmente en virtud de un acto de amor. Íntimamente relacionado con el concepto de “valor” está el de “persona”, como “valor de los valores”. Ésta es inobjetivable; no se le entiende sino que se le “comprende”; no se la conoce en virtud de un acto intelectual sino que se le ama y, en virtud del amor, se intuye moralmente su esencia, su ordo amoris. A lo largo de esta tesis se repasan los elementos de la ética de los valores de Scheler y la influencia que sobre la misma ejerció San Agustín de Hipona. Eso me lleva a calificar el periodo central del filósofo alemán como “periodo agustiniano”, y a abrir una nueva línea de investigación que corrija los problemas a que dio lugar la pretendida fundamentación axiológica de la ética, con base en el concepto de amor, para construir una “ética del amor”. / The “values” are perceived emotionally by an act of love. Related to the concept of “value” is the concept of “person” as “value of values”. The person is inobjetivable; we can not understand them but can be sympathetic. They are not known under an intellectual act but a loving act. Because of love, it is given a moral intuition of their essence: the “ordo amoris”. Throughout this work we review the elements of Scheler´s ethics and the influence exerted on it by Saint Augustine of Hippo. Thus, I qualify the central period of the German philosopher as “Augustinian period”, and open a new line of researching to correct the problems from the doubtful axiological foundations of the ethics of the values. This can be intended, based on the concept of love, to build a “Love Ethic” which does not lose sight of the real material object of ethics: the Good.

Le De anima marque un tournant dans la vie de Cassiodore, aristocrate romain, né vers 484, dont la famille s'était mise au service des rois Goths. Ayant terminé son parcours politique, il a fait ce qu' il a appelé sa« conversion » qui l'amènera à fonder le monastère de Vivarium et à s'y retirer. C'est au moment de ce changement de vie qu'il écrivit un traité sur l'âme et ses vertus, réflexion anthropologique, psychologique et morale, qui s'appuyait sur des écrits philosophiques, des écrits physiologiques empruntés à la tradition médicale, mais aussi sur les écrits scripturaires et l'œuvre de saint Augustin. C'est un traité plein de dévotion ; cherchant à connaître son âme, Cassiodore veut arriver à la connaissance de Dieu, et cet itinéraire de l'âme à Dieu constitue le cœur du traité. Cassiodore a christianisé le précepte de Socrate « nosce te ipsum » , et a suivi la démarche de saint Augustin : deum et animam scire cupio.La seule traduction française, à peu prés complète (il manque le chapitre XII et la prière finale), que nous avons, est de Stéphane de Rouville ; elle date de 1874. Il nous a paru intéressant de proposer une nouvelle traduction de ce texte, de le commenter et de l'annoter. C'est le but de ce travail.Mots clés :Âme, antiquité tardive, Saint Augustin, Écritures Saintes, Littérature au Moyen Âge. / The De anima marks a turning point in the life of Cassiodorus, an Roman aristocrat, born around 484, whose family was at the service of the kings Goths. When he ended his political career, he made what he called his« conversion » which will bring him to create the the monastery of Vivarium where he retired. At this change of his life, he wrote a treaty on the soul and its virtues, an anthropological, psychological and moral reflection, which leaned on philosophic and physiological writings borrowed from the medical tradition, but it also leaned on scriptural writings and on the writings of saint Augustin. It is a treaty full of devotion seeking to find your soul. Cassiodore wants to attain the knowledge of God, and this route of the soul to God constitutes the heart of the treaty. Cassiodore christianized the rule of Socrates « nosce te ipsum », and followed the approach of saint Augustin : deum and animam scire cupio.The only french translation, almost complete (the chapter XII and the final prayer are missing), that we have, is of Stéphane de Rouville from 1874. It seems interesting to us to propose a new translation of this text with our comments and annotations. It is the purpose of this work.Key words : soul, late antiquity, saint Augustin, Holy Writings, Literature in the Middle Ages

Three works by Tippett stand together among his compositions because of their similarity of subject and performance medium. All are large works for soloists, chorus and orchestra, on meditative librettos, and intended for unstaged presentation. Only A Child of Our Time is given the genre designation "oratorio" by Tippett. An in-depth analysis of these works and the model for A Child of Our Time, Handel's Messiah, reveals that though they neither present religious subjects nor, in the case of The Vision of Saint Augustine and The Mask of Time, exhibit traditional formal divisions associated with oratorio, Tippett's works do indeed belong to the oratorio repertoire of the twentieth century.

This thesis intends to prove that Stephen V. Ash’s model of occupation from his work, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, is applicable to St. Augustine’s occupation experience in the Civil War. Three overarching themes in Ash’s work are consistent with Civil War St. Augustine. First, that Union policy of conciliation towards southern civilians was abandoned after the first few months of occupation due to both nonviolent and violent resistance from those civilians. Second, that Ash’s “zones of occupation” of the occupied South, being garrisoned towns, no-man’s-land, and the Confederate frontier apply to St. Augustine and the surrounding countryside. Finally, Ash’s assertions that the southern community was changed by the war and Union occupation, is reflected in the massive demographic shifts that rocked St. Augustine from 1862 to 1865. This thesis will show that all three of Ash’s themes apply to St. Augustine’s Civil War occupation experience and confirms the author’s generalizations about life in the occupied South.

Cette étude menée sur les fondations canoniales de Geoffroy du Loroux, archevêque de Bordeaux de 1136 à 1158, a pour objectif de montrer une implication du prélat dans le parti architectural de ses fondations qui présentent a priori une similitude en plan et en élévation. Grand artisan de la réforme grégorienne en Aquitaine, l’action de Geoffroy du Loroux est bien cernée par sa collection de sermons mais ses fondations n’ont jamais fait l’objet d’une étude de synthèse. Chacune des quatre fondations attribuées à l’archevêque, l’Isle et Pleine-Selve (Gironde), Sablonceaux (Charente-Maritime) et Fontaine-le-Comte (Vienne), a été soumise à une analyse architecturale approfondie, complétée d’une étude métrologique, afin d’appréhender chaque édifice dans sa globalité. Les éléments conservés du XIIe siècle ont ensuite été soumis à une étude comparative. En outre, une discussion est menée autour de l’attribution à Geoffroy du Loroux de la reconstruction de la cathédrale de Bordeaux dès le XIIe siècle.Il s’avère que les fondations liées à Geoffroy du Loroux adoptent un parti architectural stéréotypé et d’une esthétique ostensiblement austère. L’archevêque apparaît comme un prélat soucieux de laisser à ses successeurs des modèles pour transmettre le message de la réforme grégorienne, tant au travers de ses sermons qu’au niveau de ses fondations. Ces dernières se devaient d’être représentatives d’une grande humilité et du retour à la rigueur prôné par la réforme, en totale opposition avec le faste clunisien. Ce travail amène à s’interroger sur le rôle des collégiales qui, utilisées tel un outil de diffusion de la réforme, ont pu freiner l’implantation de Cluny dans le Bordelais. / The purpose of this study on the canonical foundations of Geoffroy du Loroux, Archbishop of Bordeaux from 1136 to 1158, is to reveal the involvement of the prelate in the architectural party of its foundations that seem a priori to show similarities in plan and elevation. As a great artisan of the Gregorian reform in Aquitaine, the action of Geoffroy du Loroux is well surrounded through his collection of sermons while its foundations were never subjected to a dedicated study.Each of the four foundations attributed to the Archbishop, l’Isle and Pleine-Selve (Gironde), Sablonceaux (Charente-Maritime), and Fontaine-le-Comte (Vienne), was subjected to a in depth architectural analysis, completed by a metrological study, to apprehend each building as a whole. The elements preserved from the XIIth century were then subjected to a comparative study. Moreover, a discussion is also conducted on the attribution to Geoffroy du Loroux of the rebuilding of the Cathedral of Bordeaux starting in the XIIth century.It turns out that the Foundations related to Geoffroy du Loroux adopt a stereotypical and ostensibly austere architectural party. The Archbishop appears as a prelate who intended to leave to his successors models to convey the message of the Gregorian reform, both through his sermons and its foundations. The latter had to be representative of the great humility and return to the rigour advocated by the reform, in contrast with the pomp of Cluny. This work brings into question the role of canon communities as a dissemination tool for the reform, which could account for the slowdown of the implementation of Cluny in the region of Bordeaux.

Entre 394 et 396 après J-C, saint Augustin d’Hippone forma le projet d’écrire un commentaire de l’Épître aux Romains de saint Paul. Il en rédigea seulement un premier livre, où il commente les sept premiers versets de l’épître, puis examine la question du blasphème impardonnable contre l’Esprit Saint. Nous présentons ici ce texte. Notre thèse comporte d’abord une introduction générale, qui situe l’oeuvre dans son contexte historique et théologique, et discute de sa réception. Puis nous fournissons une édition critique (avec traduction française) du texte : l’édition, sur la base de 25 manuscrits et 5 éditions imprimées, est précédée d’une présentation détaillée de ses sources, d’un stemma justifié, et d’un commentaire des choix ecdotiques. Vient enfin un commentaire détaillé de tout l’ouvrage, qui a pour buts principaux d’éclairer les passages difficiles du texte, de noter ses particularités linguistiques, et d’expliquer sa pensée par référence au corpus augustinien et à la tradition patristique. / Between AD 394 and 396, St. Augustine of Hippo undertook the project of writing a commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. He completed only one book of this, providing a commentary on first seven verses of the epistle, along with an examination of the question of the unforgivable blasphemy against the Holy Spirit. I present this text here. My thesis begins with a general introduction, which situates the work in its historical and theological context, and discusses its reception. I then provide a critical edition (with French translation) of the text: the edition, based on 25 manuscripts and 5 printed editions, is preceded by detailed presentation of sources, a stemma with supporting arguments, and a commentary on editorial decisions. Finally, I provide a detailed commentary on the whole work, whose main aims are to elucidate the text’s difficult passages, to note its linguistic particularities, and to explain its contents with reference to the Augustinian corpus and patristic tradition.