Die Dissertation besteht aus drei empirischen Beiträgen zur Analyse moralischer Emotionen sowie einer zusammenfassenden und integrierenden Synopse. Im Rahmen der Arbeit wird dabei zunächst (1) eine umfassende Theorie zur Klassifikation und Entstehungsbedingungen moralischer Emotionen entwickelt. Darauf aufbauend wird (2) die Entstehung moralischer Emotionen im Setting der Schule anhand der Urteile von Lehrern und Schülern sowie (3) unter entwicklungspsychologischer Perspektive überprüft. Die vorgeschlagene und empirisch überprüfte Theorie ermöglicht erstmals eine übergreifende Analyse der Entstehungsbedingungen moralischer Emotionen. Die Befunde werden vor dem Hintergrund der bisherigen Forschung zu einzelnen moralischen Emotionen diskutiert.

Die Dissertation besteht aus drei empirischen Beiträgen zur Analyse moralischer Emotionen sowie einer zusammenfassenden und integrierenden Synopse. Im Rahmen der Arbeit wird dabei zunächst (1) eine umfassende Theorie zur Klassifikation und Entstehungsbedingungen moralischer Emotionen entwickelt. Darauf aufbauend wird (2) die Entstehung moralischer Emotionen im Setting der Schule anhand der Urteile von Lehrern und Schülern sowie (3) unter entwicklungspsychologischer Perspektive überprüft. Die vorgeschlagene und empirisch überprüfte Theorie ermöglicht erstmals eine übergreifende Analyse der Entstehungsbedingungen moralischer Emotionen. Die Befunde werden vor dem Hintergrund der bisherigen Forschung zu einzelnen moralischen Emotionen diskutiert.

Our research is about schadenfreude, deriving pleasure from others suffering, and its presencein the online game League of Legends. Along with its presence we measured different waysplayers can enjoy it, as well as how much the players enjoyed it. What we found was that anoverwhelming majority enjoys it in one way or another. The study was conducted through anonline survey numbering 116 people, all who play League of Legends daily. We hope that thisresearch will open up possibilities for game designers and developers to cater mechanics thatevoke schadenfreude in a positive way where toxicity does not emerge as a result.

Moral judgments and moral emotions are a ubiquitous feature of social interactions. Humans decide quickly and intuitively whether an action is morally right or wrong. Schadenfreude and sympathy, as emotional reactions to the misfortunes of others, are prototypical moral emotions. So far, however, little evidence exists concerning children’s understanding of schadenfreude. Within three studies, we investigated the experience of schadenfreude and sympathy among N = 364 children of different age groups. We interviewed the children while showing them picture stories. In the picture stories, we varied the behavior of the protagonist prior to a misfortune: (1) whether his behavior had been morally right or wrong, (2) whether the protagonist attained his goal, (3) whether the protagonist was responsible for the misfortune. In addition, in one study we varied (4) the emotional relationship of the interviewed children to the protagonist. Furthermore, we asked the children to decide whether they want to sit next to the protagonist or do him a favor. Results show that children experience sympathy as well as schadenfreude at the age of 4 years. Sympathy is more likely to arise when the protagonists of a story are likable, when these actors typically pursue morally positive goals, and if they are not responsible for their misfortune. In contrast, schadenfreude is more likely when the protagonist is disliked, when actors pursue immoral goals and if they are responsible for their misfortune. In addition, sympathy increases approach (helping behavior, sitting next to the agent and doing favors), whereas schadenfreude increases avoidance tendencies.

Three experiments examined how a transgressor’s response, once accused of a wrongdoing, alters other’s perceptions of transgressor. Study 1 investigated how a baseball player’s response to steroid usage accusations affected fans’ perceptions of him. Participants thought of the athlete more positively when he apologized for his drug usage as compared to when he denied it or provided no comment. Study 2 examined if the effects of a transgressor’s response are moderated by the transgressor’s reputation. Participants were predicted to prefer apologies over denials if they had a pre-existing positive view of the transgressor (i.e., the person was a friend and not a stranger or someone known for being lazy). Results showed that, similar to Study 1, participants respected the transgressor and thought he handled the situation better when he apologized instead of denied the transgression, but contrary to predictions, the transgressor’s reputation did not have an effect on participants’ reactions to a transgressor’s responses. Study 3 examined whether feelings of schadenfreude (i.e., positive affect resulting from another’s misfortune) mitigated negative feelings toward a transgressor who denied the transgression. After participants witnessed a transgression, they then had to work with the transgressor on a task. When the transgressor performed the task incompetently, participants were predicted to feel schadenfreude and therefore not feel it was as important to hear the transgressor admit to his wrongdoing. Results indicated that participants felt more negatively toward an incompetent transgressor than one who contributed equally to the task, regardless of whether he denied or apologized for the transgression. Furthermore, contrary to the results of Studies 1 and 2, participants did not have increased positive feelings toward transgressors who apologized. Overall, these studies provide evidence that apologizing and expressing ownership for a transgression is the best method to respond with to facilitate relationship repair within multiple situations.