After the invasion of Iraq and the destruction of Saddam regime in 2003, the US administration undertook the complete remaking of Iraq as a national-state. The initial steps of the US administration were the quasi eradication of the old Iraqi State. Then, this nation-building endeavor has been based on a federal constitution promoting an Ethno- sectarian power sharing and the attempt to transform what was once a centralized economy into a comprehensive market driven society. However, the post-2003 period had been marked by the rising of identity politics, the constant delegitimisation of the new political order and successive episode of massive violence. Obviously, the question of violence and its apex in 2006-2007, is central to understand the post-2003 period in Iraq. For the first time in Iraqi history, waves of ethno-sectarian violence seriously challenged the possibility of a common life for all the diverse components of the Iraqi society. The Iraqi nation seemed to have been consumed in an existential conflict between components and communal identifications once relatively integrated. Therefore, there is a need to render an analytical account of the aggressive rise of identity politics, the outbreak of violence and finally the episodes of civil war in 2005-2007 in Iraq. This study aims to answer these questions by tracking the different political and social processes that have been at play during the American occupation of Iraq and that lead to the events of 2005-2007. In order to do so, I will consider the dynamical relations that link political institutions, violence and self-identifications in regard to the Iraqi society and Iraq as a National State. This research is built as a case study based mostly on qualitative analysis and the collection of empirical data, interviews, and fieldwork observations as well as primary and secondary sources. I set out to identify actors and processes and determine a complex chain of reactions (a trajectory) that led to the current state of affairs in Iraq. This trajectory could be summarized in few sentences: The destruction of the old Iraqi State and the brutal implementation of Neo-liberal rationality and re- regulations policies by the US occupation ended into a dystopian economy and the creation of an "absent state" (Davis, 2011). Since its very first day, this US lead nation-building endeavor has been flawed by a complete lack of legitimacy and its substitution with coercion by the US and the New Iraqi "State" security apparatus. Meanwhile, the imposition and the institutionalization of Ethno-sectarian affiliations as a principle of political legitimacy contributed to transform the different communities of Iraq into main avenues for access and control of scarce economic and political resources. In a way, US occupation and new Iraqi elites were deflecting the political question of right following a movement similar to what Mamdani and Brown describe as a "Culturalisation of Politics" (2004, 2006). The result was a failure to establish a legitimate and functional political and economic order. This led to the rise of a System of Violence, organized around networks of violence. Within the System of Violence, Culturalisation of Politics would be translated into Culturalisation of Violence. This would contribute to the sectarianisation of space in Baghdad and other localities of Iraq, as well as "manufacturing" (Gregory, 2008) and essentialising sectarian representations and identifications within the society.

The purpose for undertaking this case study of the Shi'a in Lebanon is threefold. First, as a hypothesis-generating case study, its objective is to formulate relevant hypotheses about religious resurgence and religious terrorism. This study achieves this objective by formulating 14 general and nine special hypotheses, and testing and confirming the latter. Second, the purpose of this study is also to explore the trajectory of the Lebanese Shi'a's sectarian mobilization. This exploration permits the conceptualization of geocultural immobility and its effect upon a religious minority. It deduces that the Lebanese Shiga's geo-cultural immobility is directly related to their active religious resurgence. The third purpose is to study the changes in the objectives and tactics of a religious minority, that of the Muslim Shi'a in Lebanon. This research is able, via its primary and secondary data, to show a relationship between the Lebanese Shiga's religious resurgence and their use of religious terrorism. This study introduces the concept of geo-cultural immobility. A minority's geo-cultural immobility is identified as an imposed low geographic mobility within a nation with low cultural pluralism. It establishes the Lebanese Shi'a's geo-cultural immobility, to which it attributes their religious resurgence. This Lebanese Shi'a religious resurgence is proven in this research to produce zealots needed by religious terrorist organizations. This study also introduces and defines religious terrorism as violent acts performed by elements of a religious organization or sect, growing out of a commitment to communicate a divine message. It distinguishes between religious terrorism, secular terrorism, and fighters for religious freedom, which are based on the actors' motives, affinities, and consciousness of the maliciousness of their acts. The primary and secondary data and the quasi-experiment in this research support its special hypotheses. They indicate a statistical correlation between eight Lebanese Shi'a cultural and religious attributes: (1) age, (2) marital status, (3) extent of Shi'a Imam's militancy, (4) personal religious commitment and religious resurgence, (5) zealotry, (6) geo-cultural immobility, (7) imprisonment of family members, and (8) willingness to commit terrorism.

Based on Christina Reid&rsquo / s five Plays &ldquo / Tea in a China Cup,&rdquo / &ldquo / Did You Hear the One About the Irishman &hellip / ?,&rdquo / &ldquo / Joyriders,&rdquo / &ldquo / The Belle of the Belfast City,&rdquo / and &ldquo / My Name, Shall I Tell You My Name?&rdquo / the aim of this study is to put under discussion the idea that the sectarian conflict between the two ethno-religious communities in Northern Ireland is maintained deliberately and a national identity unique to the people in this country cannot be constructed at least in the near future. The Protestants in Northern Ireland cannot choose Irishness as a national identity because the Irishness has been monopolized by the Catholics, and cannot adopt the Britishness as a national identity because of the varieties in the social factors they have. Likewise, the Catholics in Northern Ireland do not call themselves British because their Catholicism involves an Irish identity with the rejection of the British rule, and they cannot truly entitle themselves Irish due to the differences in social conditions. However, both factions try to adhere themselves to a national identity through their communal ideology. The Protestants claim that they are part of Britain, while the Catholics claim that they are members of Irish Nation. This situation has led to reluctance in both communities to stop the conflictual circumstances which encourage both groups to tether to their traditions more intensely, to contribute to the otherization process reinforcing their social identity and lead them to impose their working ideology on their new members whose divergence from traditions will definitely pose a threat to their identity. Also, in this country the forgetting / remembering process, which is actually exploited to forge a national identity, is orchestrated by the two communities to enlarge the intercommunal chasm through the narration of the old stories and memories, creation of stories, commemoration activities and museumizing certain objects. Throughout the study the key points which will be highlighted are as follows: nation, national identity and nation building process, the sectarian conflict between the two communities in Northern Ireland, maintenance of conflictual situation and the employment of the forgetting / remembering process in Northern Ireland.

Magister Artium - MA / Imam Malik b. Anas (d. 179 A.H.) is an important intellectual figure in Islam. He is the author of the first hadith collection, the Muwatta, and is the founder of one of the four major Sunni schools of law. His contribution towards formulating a distinct legal school allows millions of Muslims daily to perform their daily rituals of worship. Previous research, however, has not given enough attention to a systematic study of his beliefs. This study intends to address this shortcoming. My thesis examines the belief of imam Malik, particularly his concept of faith and the external expression thereof. It examines the first two eras of Islam, that of the Companions and Followers, which preceded him and their influence on his methodology of formulating his theological and legal views. It further looks at his approach to the textual evidences and his attitude towards speculative reasoning (kalam) regarding theological issues. This study further aims to verify the statements attributed to imam Malik regarding what constitutes correct faith and whether it increases or decreases. It also looks at the conflicting statements attributed to him regarding the increase and decrease of faith and tries to resolve them. Furthermore, it sources reliable biographical information on imam Malik to determine his attitude towards the diverse theological trends such as the Qadarites and Murji’ites prevalent during his time. In addition, the study compares the views of imam Malik with that of the other three founders of the Sunni Sunni legal schools.

Работа посвящена анализу роли синтоистских сект в современном японском обществе. Автор рассматривает феномен новых религиозных движений в мире и в Японии, анализирует особенности вероучений групп сектантского синто, и показывает их место в обществе и отношение к ним населения. / The paper is devoted to the analysis of role of Shinto sects in contemporary Japanese society. Author explores phenomenon of new religious movements in world and Japan, analysis characteristics of sectarian Shinto believes, and investigates place of Shinto sects in society and people’s attitude toward them.

Cette enquête micro-sociologique réalisée sous forme d'observation participante active, s'intéresse aux questions suivantes : comment devient-on body-builder? Comment s'installent des pressions normatives et « déviances positives » attendues et reconnues par le groupe de pratiquants? Ainsi, pendant 8 mois, j'ai suivi une initiation au body-building supervisée par un ancien body-builder (titré internationalement) devenu coach. J'ai participé aux séances de musculation aux côtés de compétiteurs, sportifs et sédentaires, au rythme de quatre entraînements de deux heures par semaine. La thèse soutient que le body-building de haut-niveau fonctionne sur le principe de l'ascèse tout en construisant un lien social de type sectaire entre les membres du groupe et le coach. La transformation du corps demande une implication totale qui a pour conséquence une rupture du quotidien et une restructuration des relations sociales de l'initié. Plus il est reconnu et accepté par le coach et ses pairs, plus il reçoit un regard critique de l'extérieur, ce qui le conduit à un isolement social et renforce les processus d'emprise corporels exercés. Le coach agit comme un gourou de secte en conditionnant le quotidien des athlètes pour les modeler à son image. / This micro-sociological investigation, using the participant observation method, studied how a person becomes a body-builder? How does the expected and accepted normative pressures and " positive deviances " become common practice by the members of the group? Therefore, during 8 months, I followed an initiation of body-building supervised by a former body-builder (internationally titled) who had became a coach. I went to the weight room with competitors, sportsmen and amateur for two hours four times a week. This thesis supports that top-level body-building works on the principle of asceticism and builds sectarian-type social links between the members of the group and the coach. A total implication is required for the transformation of the body which implies giving up the normal every day life and restructuring the initiated persons social relationships. The more he is recognized and accepted by the coach and his peers, the more he will be a criticized from the outside. This will drive him to social isolation and will strengthen the influence exercised by the coach. The coach acts as a guru of sect by controlling the everyday life of the athletes to model them into his image.

This dissertation explores the ethnic and religious dimensions of the northern Nigeria conflict in which gruesome killings have intermittently occurred, to determine whether there are genocidal inclinations to the episodic killings. The literature review provides the contextual framework for examining the conflict parties and causation factors to address the research questions: Are there genocidal inclinations to the ethno-religious conflict in northern Nigeria? To what extent does the interplay between ethnicity and religion help to foment and escalate the conflict in northern Nigeria? The study employs a mixed content analysis and grounded theory methodology based on the Strauss and Corbin (1990) approach. Data sourcing was from 197 newspaper articles on the conflict over the study period spanning from the 1966 northern Nigeria massacres of thousands of Ibos up to present, ongoing killings between Muslims and Christians or non-Muslims in the region. Available texts of the conflict cases over the research period were content-analyzed using Nvivo qualitative data analysis software involving processes of categorizing, coding and evaluation of the textual themes. The study structures a theoretical model for determining proclivity to genocide, and finds that there are genocidal inclinations to the northern Nigeria conflict, involving the specific intent to ‘cleanse’ the north through the exclusionary ideology of imposition of the Sharia law through enforced assimilation or extermination of Christians and other non-Muslims who do not assimilate or adopt the Muslim ideology. The study also suggests that there is latency in the recognition of these genocidal manifestations due to their episodic nature and intermittency of occurrence. he study provides further understanding of factors underlying and sustaining the violent conflict between Muslims and Christians in northern Nigeria. It contributes new perspectives and theoretical model for determining genocidal proclivity to the field of conflict analysis and resolution, and proffers alternative strategies for relationship building and peaceful coexistence among different religious groups. The findings will guide recommendations on policy formulations for eliminating religious intolerance in northern Nigeria. The study creates further awareness on the need for global intervention on the region’s sporadic killings to avert full blown Rwandan type genocide in Nigeria.

No description available.

À partir de l’exemple du Sud de l’Aquitaine, véritable condensé des sensibilités protestantes de l’Europe du XIXe siècle, une analyse multi-scalaire permet d’appréhender les processus de réintégration et d’affirmation du protestantisme qui, au terme d’un siècle de persécutions et de clandestinité, devient une confession reconnue. De la promulgation des Articles organiques du 18 germinal an X à la Séparation des Églises et de l’État, l’étude du pluralisme protestant permet de définir de nouveaux espaces ainsi que de nouvelles et multiples formes de structuration institutionnelle. L’existence de lignes de partage externes, visibles au travers des modalités de coexistence, et internes, par les points de tension inhérents à cette pluralité, révèle, quant à elle, les différents traits d’une identité protestante qui ne se conçoit que dans la diversité. Au-delà de ses divergences, cette minorité active fait preuve d’une vision collective et spatiale : par la création d’un territoire concurrent de l’Église catholique, par sa reconstruction institutionnelle, par ses réseaux, par ses engagements politiques, par la relecture de son histoire, elle se forge une identité originale et prétend jouer un rôle moteur dans la société de son temps. / Using as example the South of Aquitaine, a veritable concentration of protestant school of thought in Europe in the 19th century, a multi-scalar analysis throws light on the processes of reintegration and affirmation of Protestantism which, after a century of persecution and clandestinity, became a recognized religious faith. From the promulgation of the Organic Articles of 18th Germinal Year X to the Separation of the Churches and State, the study of Protestant Pluralism enables new areas to be defined as well as new and multiple forms of institutional structuration. The existence of external divisions visible through methods of coexistence, and internal ones seen in the points of friction inherent to this plurality, reveals the different characteristics of protestant identity that could only be imagined in a context of diversity. This active minority affirmed, beyond its differences, a collective and spatial vision through the creation of a territory in competition with the Catholic Church, through its institutional reconstruction, through its networks, through its political commitments, through the rethinking of its history, it created an original identity and expected to be a driving force in the society of its time.

Since the creation of modern-day Iraq by the British Empire in 1920, the country’s state territorial structuring has been an ever-evolving source of political instability and conflict. Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian groups have been locked in a near constant struggle over questions of self-rule, shared rule, and secession. Consequently, the territorial model of federalism has never been far from political discussions, negotiations, and territorial disputes. Federalism was finally officially adopted in 2005, giving a new definition to Iraq’s territorial model. But while federalism seemed a natural means of managing Iraq’s long-standing ethno-sectarian divisions and was democratically ratified in a process that included most ethnic and sectarian groups, the model has failed to materialize, and territorial structure remains a major point of contention between the groups. The overarching aim of this dissertation is to shed light on two key questions. First, how have the dynamics between the major ethnic and sectarian groups of Iraq shaped the evolution of the country’s territorial structure from 1920 up to and beyond the federal constitution in 2005? Second, what can the trajectory of this evolution teach us about why federalism was adopted but has failed to materialize? I shall argue that Iraq’s territorial structuring over the past century has been systematically influenced by at least one of four “I”s: the groups’ ideas concerning territorial structuring, their conceptualizations of group identities, their definitions of group interests, and the influence of foreign actors. Focussing on the Shiite Arabs, the Sunni Arabs, and the Kurds, I will examine how these four factors have interacted to shape the territorial organization of Iraq over four key time periods: (i) the foundation of Iraq in 1920 to Saddam Hussein’s rise to the presidency in 1979, (ii) Saddam’s rule from 1979 to 2003, (iii) Saddam’s deposition in 2003 to the adoption of the federal constitution in 2005, and (iv) the post-constitutional period from 2005 to the present. I thus hope to explain how evolving inter-group dynamics over the past century have impacted the development of Iraq’s territorial structure, arguing that this sheds light on both the reference to federalism in the 2005 constitution and its subsequent failure to materialize. This dissertation thus demonstrates the powerful ways in which Iraq’s territorial structuring has been shaped by past trends in ethno-sectarian dynamics, putting us in a better position to understand the complexities of the country’s current territorial politics.