This dissertation is a case study of the EuroMed Partnership (EMP). It aims to examine the complex political, economic and social interrelationships in the EMP, and their impact on regional security in the Euro-Mediterranean region. The main thesis proposed here is that regional integration is taking place to the point of a regional security complex being established among EMP-member countries. This would contrast with the Middle East Regional Security Complex suggested by Buzan and Waever (2003). The dynamics observed reflect realist concerns with security among members. They also display neo-liberal integration approaches as well as the regional reciprocal (re-)constructions of structure, interests, and identities as suggested in the constructivist literature. A triangulated mix of qualitative research methods is utilized with primary data from elite interviews, as well as from official publications of member governments and institutes. Secondary data from analyses by other researchers provide comparison data for this dissertation. It will contribute to a framework for understanding the shifting security environment in the Euro-Mediterranean region from 1995 to the present in terms of regional integration, peacemaking and peacekeeping.

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A Dinamarca possui, sem dúvida alguma, uma das políticas mais excepcionais em relação à Europa integrada. Desde os primórdios da integração europeia, no início dos anos 50, o país demonstrou um forte ceticismo e, para alguns, um forte receio com a ideia de uma Europa unida. Mesmo após sua incorporação à Comunidade Europeia, no início dos anos 70, a Dinamarca se posicionou como membro de uma outra comunidade, a nórdica, e que, dessa forma, seu papel na Comunidade Europeia consistia em criar uma ponte entre estas duas comunidades. Era de comum entendimento entre as elites do país, bem como por grande parte da sociedade civil, que a integração europeia representava valores típicos da Europa continental que, por sua vez, conflitavam com os valores nórdicos. O excepcionalismo dinamarquês manteve-se mesmo após o término da Guerra Fria, quando, em 1993, o Governo do país compreendeu, em seu Livro Branco, que a União Europeia seria o principal fórum internacional para a promoção dos valores e interesses da Dinamarca, mas devido a uma recusa popular em aceitar o Tratado que Estabelecia a União Europeia, o país estipulou a existência de quatro ressalvas formais os opt-outs às políticas europeias, entre aquelas mais sensíveis à soberania nacional. Inúmeras hipóteses foram levantadas na tentativa de compreender tal peculiaridade, entre estas, destacamos a existência de uma percepção mantida tanto pela elite política do país, como por parte da sociedade civil, de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa. Dessa forma, a relutância dinamarquesa com o processo europeu de integração poderia ser compreendido pelo desejo do país em se inserir em um outro processo de integração, somente entre os países nórdicos. Tendo em vista tal entendimento, esta pesquisa, através de uma abordagem sociológico-histórica, tem por objetivo compreender em que medida a percepção de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa impactou na construção do, então chamado, dilema de integração dinamarquês, ou seja, desta posição relutante desenvolvida pelo país em relação à Comunidade Europeia / União Europeia. Para colaborar, iremos analisar a questão nórdica no desenvolvimento da política externa e de segurança da Dinamarca. Argumentaremos que embora nem sempre tenha sido apresentado como uma alternativa real, a questão nórdica demonstra-se de extrema importância para compreender a posição dinamarquesa na Europa. / Denmark has, without doubt, one of the most exceptional policies towards Europe. From the beginning of European integration in the early 50s the country has demonstrated a strong skepticism and, for some, a strong concern with the idea of a united Europe. Even after her incorporation into the European Community in the early 70s, Denmark has positioned herself as a member of another community, the Nordic one, and, therefore, the Danish role in the European Community was to \'build bridges\' between these two communities. It was a common understanding among the Danish elites, and to a large part of civil society, that European integration represented typical values of the \'continental Europe\' which, in turn, were in conflict with the Nordic values. The Danish exceptionalism remained even after the end of the Cold War, when in 1993 the Danish government understood in its White Paper that the European Union would be the main international forum for the promotion of Danish values and interest, but due to a popular refusal to accept the Treaty that established the European Union, the government stipulated the existence of four formal reservations - the opt-outs to European policies, among those most sensitive to national sovereignty. Several hypotheses have been raised in an attempt to understand this peculiarity, among these, we can highlight the existence of a perception both by the political elite of the country as by civil society of a Nordic alternative to Europe. Thus, the Danish reluctance to the European integration process could be understood by the country\'s desire to be part in another integration process, among the Nordic countries. Therefore, through a historical sociological approach, this research seeks to understand to what extent the perception of a Nordic alternative to Europe impacted on the construction of the so called \'Danish integration dilemma, i.e. in this reluctant position developed by the country towards the European Community / European Union. To this end, we will examine the Nordic question in the development of the Danish Foreign and Security Policy. We will argue that although it has not always been presented as a real alternative, the Nordic question can be seen as a very important factor to understand the Danish position in Europe.

O presente trabalho trata do emprego das Forças Armadas dos países da América do Sul levando em consideração o panorama geopolítico pós-Guerra Fria. Dois são os objetivos principais: estabelecer cenários geopolíticos para o subcontinente com base em diferentes paradigmas da Teoria das Relações Internacionais e, a partir desses cenários, analisar o emprego das Forças Armadas na América do Sul diante das atuais características geopolíticas. Considera-se como recorte temporal, para tal estudo, o período compreendido entre o fim da Guerra Fria e os dias atuais e, como recorte espacial, a escala subcontinental. Por meio de uma abordagem plurimetodológica, analisa-se o sentido geopolítico das iniciativas de cooperação e integração militar entre os países sul-americanos – fenômeno que, em virtude da autonomia de que ainda dispõem os meios militares na região, ocorre de forma paralela às demais dimensões do processo de integração regional. Adotando uma perspectiva construtivista de abordagem das Relações Internacionais, procura-se, também, analisar a possibilidade de construção no subcontinente de uma Comunidade de Segurança. Por fim, em caráter meramente prospectivo, procura-se analisar as possibilidades de emprego das Forças Armadas na América do Sul considerando quatro diferentes cenários: clássico (escala nacional), construtivista (escala regional), hegemônico (escala hemisférica) e idealista (escala global). / This work concerns the use military roles of South American countries, taking into consideration the post-Cold War geopolitic panorama. There are two main objectives: stablish geopolitic sceneries for the subcontinent based on different International Relations Theory paradigms and, to from these sceneries, analyse the function of the Forces in the South America faced the present geopolitic characteristics. This study considers the period between the end of Cold War and the present days, having as spatial setting the subcontinental scale. Through a plurimethodological approoch, this work analyses the geopolitical meaning of military cooperation and integration initiative in the South American countries – phenomenon that has been a parallel process of regional integration due to military forces autonomy. By means of constructivist perspective of International Relation Theory also analysing the possibility of constucting a Security Community in the subcontinent. At last, under a prospective character it analyses the possibility of the military forces appliance in the South America, considering four different sceneries: classic (national scale), constructivist (regional scale), hegemonic (hemispheric scale) and idealist (global scale).

Conventional theories about security communities expect that if a region yields high levels of socio-economic interdependence, regional stability is achieved. What we observe in the East Asia region since the 2000s contradict to the theoretical expectations. The aim of this thesis is to explain this empirical puzzle. Security community theory is insufficient for two reasons: first, pre-existing security community may become weaker; and, second, nationalism may influence the level of integration. Building on frame theory, the thesis addresses the question: under what conditions do nationalistic discourses influence the integration level of a security community? I argue when elites’ discourses about foreign relations include ranking frames, they have a deteriorating effect on the integration level of a security community. Ranking frames make the elites’ agenda more competitive towards the other member of the security community and trigger an othering process in a country. With a theory development purpose, I conduct a structured focused comparison of the Sino-Japan relations at two time periods: 1978-82 and 2008-12. Focusing on the political elites’ discourses in Japan, I investigate a systematically developed dataset. My findings suggest that the nationalist discourses containing ranking frames may plausibly explain the process of disintegration of a security community.

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以、巴問題是國際上長期難以解決的問題，最原本的根源是猶太人與巴勒斯坦人在巴勒斯坦土地上相互爭取建國的權利而引起的。在以色列建國後，以、巴問題開始牽涉到難民、國家安全、宗教、水資源、被佔領領土與恐怖主義等諸多因素，使得以、巴問題日益複雜，迄今仍無法解決。 　　雖然國際間曾多次嘗試解決以、巴問題，並舉辦過多次和會，也提出過多次和平計畫，但是歷來國際間的努力都成效有限。本論文認為，這是因為歷來的和會與和平計畫不但沒有全面顧及到當事者的立場，也沒有全面考慮到以、巴問題的所有癥結。以、巴問題不只是個政治問題，然而國際間卻欲以政治方法解決之，因而成效不彰。 　　本論文認為，一旦整合有所成果，參與整合的國家間便會因為關係更加密切，進而使發生戰爭的機會大為降低。因此要解決以、巴衝突，必須由促進以、巴間的整合開始。並且考慮到以、巴問題的諸多癥結，因此整合不能僅限於政治層面，而是必須由政治與經濟方面同時進行。本論文認為，在以、巴政治整合方面，應採用安全社區理論；而經濟整合方面應採用共同市場理論。 　　在建構以、巴的和平上，安全社區與共同市場是相輔相成的。安全社區可以幫助共同市場建立良善的市場秩序，共同市場可以幫助安全社區成員達成更深的相互依賴，而唯有在以、巴間的安全社區與共同市場成立後，以、巴間長久且穩固的和平才有可能被真正的建構。 / The conflict between Israel and Palestine is a long-lasting international problem whose origin is that both Jews and Arabs claim their right to found their own nation on Palestinian land. After the founding of Israel, the problem between Israel and Palestine began to involve refugees, national security, religion, water resource, the occupied territories, terrorism, and many other factors. These factors make this problem increasingly complex and still unsolved to this day. Although international community has repeatedly tried to solve the problem between Israel and Palestine, held a number of peace conferences, and also proposed several peace plans, the effect has always been little. I believe that this is because peace plans neither totally took into account the positions of Israel and Palestine nor comprehensively considered all the cruxes of the problem between each party. The problem is not just a political issue, but the international community always wants to solve it through political ways. Once the integration of states works, the participating states will be closer to each other – and set up “interdependence” – and the possibility of war between them will be greatly reduced. Therefore, to solve the problem, we can encourage Israel and Palestine to begin the integration. Taking all cruxes of the problem into consideration, the integration cannot be limited to political level, but both political and economic levels at the same time. I believe that, in the process of integration, “security community theory” must be followed on political level and “common market theory” on the economic level. To make peace between Israel and Palestine, “security community” and “common market” are complementary to each other. “Security community” can help the “common market” establish good market order, and “common market” can help members of the “security community” achieve deeper interdependence. Only after the establishment of the “security community” and the “common market” could the enduring peace between Israel and Palestine be real possible.

Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000. / The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s.

Este trabalho investiga o histórico de constituição do Conselho Comunitário de Segurança do Morumbi (CONSEG Morumbi) e as representações sobre o tema da segurança que se expressam em seu ambiente. A partir disto, procura-se atribuir significado às estratégias de segurança elaboradas por este Conselho. O método etnográfico, pautado na observação participante, constitui elemento central da pesquisa que tem como fontes, também, atas de reunião do Conselho, entrevista concedida pela sua presidente e documentos oficiais relativos à criação e regulamentação dos CONSEGs. Inicialmente, identifico três momentos no processo histórico de urbanização da área onde atua o referido Conselho. Estes três momentos trouxeram para esta área grupos sociais distintos que disputam o projeto de urbanização da região. Ao longo do trabalho, identifico a apropriação social do espaço do CONSEG Morumbi pelos grupos economicamente favorecidos. Assim, constato o domínio, no ambiente deste Conselho, de certas representações sobre segurança que privilegiam a proteção ao patrimônio em detrimento de outros direitos civis, sociais e políticos, estabelecendo estratégias de segurança ancoradas no princípio da suspeição generalizada e na identificação das classes perigosas. / This dissertation investigates the history of establishment of the Community Council of Morumbi Security (CONSEG Morumbi) and representations on the issue of security which are expressed in their environment. From this, it seeks to give meaning to the security strategies adopted by this Council. The ethnographic method, based on participant observation, is a central element of the research whose sources are also meeting minutes of the Council, interview of its president and official documents relating to the creation and regulation of CONSEG. Initially, I identify three moments in the historical process of urbanization of the area where this council operates. These three moments brought to this area different social groups vying for the urbanization project in the region. Throughout the work, I identify the social appropriation of space CONSEG Morumbi by economically advantaged groups. So, I note the domain, in the environment of this Council of certain representations of security that emphasize the protection of heritage at the expense of other civil, social and political rights, establishing security strategies anchored in the principle of suspicion general and identifying \"dangerous classes \".

<p>This dissertation explores the potential contributions of the mechanisms for early warning and intelligence sharing to regional security in Africa. The Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) and the Committee on Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA) are centrally concerned with the dissemination of information to enable decision-making on continental security. The main focus of the dissertation is on the manner in which the information generated by the CEWS and CISSA can contribute to regional security. In order to analyse the potential contribution of the CEWS and CISSA to regional security, a sound theoretical framework is proposed so as to explore how and why states choose to cooperate, as well as addressing multifaceted cooperation and integration at inter-state, government department and nonstate levels. Constructivist interpretations of international cooperation are utilised to explore the role of ideas, meanings and understandings in shaping behaviour. The focus is placed on the manner in which interaction as provided for by the CEWS and CISSA can shape understandings of reality and potentially impact on the definition of actors&rsquo / interests. This is based on the assumption drawn from security community and epistemic community theory that, enabling the creation of shared meanings and shared knowledge there is the potential for both the CEWS and CISSA to have a positive influence on the choices that stakeholders take in favour of peaceful change.</p>