Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) In the Department of Development Studies, Faculty of Arts at the University of Zululand, 2019. / This study critically explores, in comparative terms, the socio-economic dimension (drivers and effects) of Niger Delta Militancy and Boko Haram insurgency, within the ongoing debate on the nexus between security and development. Using the mix of Root Cause and Rational Choice theories (2RCs), the study through qualitative methods, demonstrates the relative implication of socio-economic causes and effects of both insurgencies, based on evidence from interviews, available video documentaries and literatures. Acknowledging the weak, however irrefutable, connection between security and development, the study underscores that the social and economic dimension of both insurgencies must be factored into a long-term recovery plan, despite the seeming religious façade of Boko Haram. The study demonstrates that while poverty, for instance, is necessary but insufficient in explaining conflict, its persistence amidst affluence and economic growth suggest that it significantly determines the hopelessness, angst and lack of trust in the system that often nudges some citizens to seek alternative means of redress. Such means may be ethnonationalism or religion as suggestive of the Niger Delta militancy or Boko Haram insurgency respectively. In addition, both insecurities have been hijacked by certain individuals for self-benefiting ends. This hijack is somewhat driven by personal rational calculus and oiled by the pan-Nigeria “socio-economic neediness” among the masses. In this regard, while the masterminds manipulate this ‘socio-economic neediness’, the lower ranks (of these insurgencies) derive immediate economic or political benefits from participation through criminality. Meanwhile, the study found that socio-economic causes are more easily identifiable in the Niger Delta insurgencies as compared to Boko Haram’s, especially from the standpoint of legitimate grievances. For the Boko Haram insurgency, the socio-economic underdevelopment in the northern region are ideologically manipulated to mobilise wide support for the insurgency through monetary inducement, leveraging on the vulnerability of the populace. This is especially compounded by the lower level of education among it ranks of foot soldiers and general level of human underdevelopment across the region. The implication of Nigeria’s mono-cultural economy for the country’s development trajectory and the current instabilities are explored to illuminate what, why, and how the resultant socio-economic underdevelopment could be related to both insurgencies. Accordingly, the popular criticism of the socio-economic dimension that often allude to the relatively higher level of vii poverty in other parts of the north compared to Borno is critically revisited. This is done by demonstrating that Boko Haram is hardly a Borno or North-east phenomenon exclusively. Indeed, the historical and ideological resonance of Islamic extremism of Boko Haram, across the entire northern region, strongly reinforces this view. The study further demonstrates how the protracted insurgencies, among other agitations in the country continue to inhibit Nigeria’s overall development, creating an endless circle of conflict. Hence, in contributing to the attainment of a durable and sustainable resolution, this study advocates that adequate and improved redress of the socio-economic dimension, among the other notable undeniable dimensions must take place. In this regard, the study critically engages the mix of defence, diplomacy and development (the 3D) as used in other conflict regions in the world, to decipher possible ways forward. Minding context dependence of such policy frameworks and the difficulty with transferability however, the study ultimately seeks only to draw adaptable lessons, especially its accents on inter-agency cooperation (human and material resource) in comparable insurgencies. Herein lies the security-development nexus in Nigeria, given the deepening human insecurity and underdevelopment spawned by both insurgencies

The security and development nexus outlines the interdependence between security and development, this theoretical framework has been used in peacebuilding efforts around the world and the idea of the concept is that both security and development reinforce each other, more security is expected to create more development and vice versa. If a society is riddled with poverty and economic despair, insecurity will follow as a result, and likewise an economy will not be able to grow and flourish if a secure environment is not applied. Both security and development are key to secure a sustainable peace in countries that are ravaged by civil war, this security and development nexus is today consensus in the community of peace of development. Development and security are reinforcing each other in both a positive and a negative circle, higher levels of security leads to higher levels of development and vice versa. El Salvador is a country plagued by underdevelopment and grave security concerns. Recently the country has managed to heavily increase its levels of security from criminal gangs, although this has come at the expense of the country's democratic structure, which has been undermined by the government. This thesis used the concept of democratic backsliding as a theory, which manifested in El Salvador. The study has also utilized the security and development nexus to analyze the connections between security and development in El Salvador. The study confirms the connection that the nexus outlines, which can be observed in El Salvador. Security has improved and the economy has continued to grow at a moderate pace. The nexuses between security, democracy and development have been examined in this study, and our research indicates that all three concepts together don't enforce each other positively in the case of El Salvador. This study has been utilizing both qualitative and quantitative sources of information.

East African pastoralist societies are characterised by their inherent adaptability to climatic variability, by way of their sophisticated resource management systems and social institutions which provide the knowledge and flexibility needed to respond effectively to risk and uncertainty. However, the impacts of future climate change, in addition to the myriad of social, political, economic and environmental pressures associated with integrating into an increasingly inter-connected globalised system, may be unprecedented in their scope and range, and are likely to undermine their ability to pursue successful livelihoods while putting at risk the things they value. Responses to these challenges need to be based on an accurate and evidence-based understanding of the complexity and synergistic nature of multiple stressors, in order to avoid narrow quick-fix solutions which may undermine resilience and human security in the longer term. This social science research has used a multi-methods approach to fulfil the following objectives: identify the range of stressors impacting livelihoods and wellbeing within the study areas; investigate the multi-directional associations between climate variability and conflict; and evaluate the influence of development interventions on the characteristics of social resilience. Fieldwork was undertaken in collaboration with two non-governmental organisations, with data derived from ethnographic observations and shadowing, participatory rural appraisal, focus group discussions, semi-structured interviews and household livelihood surveys. Results find that communities within the study areas are faced with multiple and interacting pressures on their lives and livelihoods, and that while climate change impacts are likely to compound vulnerability and undermine human security, they cannot be isolated from the broader context, or from local priorities and lived realities. Violent conflict is identified as being more closely associated with periods of abundant rainfall than those of scarcity or resource competition, with climate-related hazards such as drought being more likely to result in reconciliation and cooperation. Conflict is driven primarily by the broader political economy within the region, along with land boundary disputes and the ethnically-based nature of governance and resource allocation. Pastoralist systems are found to inherently contain many of the characteristics of socio-ecological resilience, with development interventions having the potential to build on these strengths in order to simultaneously promote adaptive capacity and build peace. However, the narrow focus on specific risks by organisations within the study areas, without a broader integration of responses to multiple stressors, may lead to path dependency and maladaptation, and could act to undermine resilience in the longer term. This thesis contributes qualitative empirical evidence to the climate security debate, and demonstrates that peace and cooperation are more likely outcomes than violence in pastoralist regions during periods of climate-related stress. It also provides an analysis of the extent to which development interventions inherently support or constrain adaptive capacity and social resilience to climate change, conflict, and other livelihood pressures.

No description available.

Le gouvernement international des frontières d’Asie centrale (Kirghizstan, Tadjikistan, Ouzbékistan, Kazakhstan, Turkménistan) comprend les projets de gestion des frontières conduits par l’OSCE, la Commission européenne, l’ONUDC et l’OIM entre 1992 et 2012. Ils organisent l’import/export d’une expertise alignant les limites étatiques dans cette région sur un double impératif de mobilité et de sécurité. Comment ces savoirs sur la frontière circulent-ils à travers ces dernières ? Les projets passent par trois univers distincts. Ils prennent attache sur les sociétés centrasiatiques aux intersections entre flux et contrôle. Les équipements qu’ils fournissent n’encadrent toutefois les pratiques de vérification que dans une mesure très variable. Ces investissements sont décidés dans des comités de pilotage situés dans un microcosme qu’on appelle le champ d’opérations. Cet espace se configure selon un capital dont le volume décrit l’autonomie des opérateurs, et dont la structure signale leur niveau de spécialisation dans les mondes du développement et de la sécurité. Sa structure sanctionne positivement les acteurs qui accumulent la plus grande quantité de capital social. Les enceintes d’autorisation sont quant à elles encastrées dans un espace transnational gravitant autour de Bruxelles et de Vienne. Tandis que l’Asie centrale est construite comme un enjeu d’intérêt secondaire au sein du champ de l’Eurocratie, les acteurs de la place viennoise lui accordent une importance plus grande. Les élites transnationales les plus subalternes sont incitées à s’établir dans cette zone de relégation, car elles peuvent plus facilement y rétablir leurs positions respectives. / The international government of Central Asian Borders (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan) refers to projects in the field of border management that have been implemented by the OSCE, the European Commission, the UNODC and IOM between 1992 and 2012. These activities import and export a type of expertise aimed at bringing state boundaries in line with an imperative of mobility and security. But how does this border knowledge circulate across borders in the first place? During their life cycle, projects go through three different social universes. Firstly, they connect with Central Asian societies where control and flows intersect. They provide some equipment which only frames checks and controls to some extent. The steering committees deciding over these investments are embedded in a particular social universe that we call the field of operation. This second space is configured according to a capital whose volume corresponds to the level of autonomy that each implementing agency holds, and whose structure refers to their specialization in development and/or security. The practical logic of this field positively sanctions the accumulation of social capital by individual brokers. The authorization-giving arenas, finally, are situated in a transnational space polarized around Brussels and Vienna. Whilst Central Asia is constructed as a place of secondary interest within the field of Eurocracy, actors working from Vienna perceive this region as a more important issue. Subaltern transnational elites tend establish themselves in such unattractive areas because they gain leeway where they can re-establish themselves as important players from there.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Tendo como pressuposto teórico a regionalização das questões de segurança internacional no pós Guerra Fria, esta dissertação objetiva realizar uma análise comparativa da Política de Defesa de três potências regionais, quais sejam, África do Sul, Brasil e Índia, identificando percepção de ameaça no âmbito das suas políticas de defesa. Para fazê-lo, fez-se necessário ter em consideração as capacidades materiais (inspirado no neorrealismo e realismo neoclássico), e os aspectos relativos à percepção de ameaças, numa dimensão ampliada dos estudos de segurança (inspirados pela Escola de Copenhague). Com isso em mente, este trabalho lida com a literatura sobre a segurança regional e as potências regionais, a qual se baseia em vários pressupostos teóricos Neorrealistas, Realistas Neoclássicos e da Escola de Copenhague. A proposição heurística que guia este trabalho é, dado que a percepção de ameaça externa vem de uma leitura, feita pelo Estado, do seu contexto regional, um Estado com baixo nível de ameaças externas tende a vincular de forma mais intensiva de segurança com o desenvolvimento. As fontes utilizadas são dados quantitativos (Composite Index of National Capabilities do projeto Correlates of War), que permitem avaliar a distribuição de capacidades materiais em três regiões (América do Sul, África do Sul, e no Sul da Ásia) e, principalmente, as políticas declaratórias de defesa, os documentos que carregam percepção dos Estados em relação à segurança. Na comparação dos casos, dois aspectos são o foco para a análise do discurso de segurança: as percepções de segurança sobre as suas regiões, o nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento. / Having as theoretical assumption the regionalization of security issues on the post Cold War period, this dissertation aims is to carry out a comparative analysis of the Defense Policy of three regional powers, namely Brazil, India and South Africa, identifying threat perception in the framework of their Defense Policies. In order to do it, both material capabilities (inspired by Neorealism), and the aspects concerning the perception of threats and widening security studies (inspired by the Copenhagen School) are taken into consideration. Theoretically, this work draws on the literature on regional security and regional powers, which builds upon several assumptions made by Neorrealists, Neoclassical Realists and Copenhagen School thinkers. My heuristic proposition is that, given that foreign threat perceptions come from a State reading of its regional context, a State with low level of foreign threats tends to link more intensively security with development. The sources used are quantitative data (COWs Composite Index of National Capabilities) which allows evaluating the distribution of material capabilities in three regions (South America, Southern Africa, and the South Asia) and mainly the declaratory defense policies, documents that carry States perception regarding security. In the comparison of cases, three aspects for discourse analysis: the security perceptions about their regions, the nexus between security and development.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Tendo como pressuposto teórico a regionalização das questões de segurança internacional no pós Guerra Fria, esta dissertação objetiva realizar uma análise comparativa da Política de Defesa de três potências regionais, quais sejam, África do Sul, Brasil e Índia, identificando percepção de ameaça no âmbito das suas políticas de defesa. Para fazê-lo, fez-se necessário ter em consideração as capacidades materiais (inspirado no neorrealismo e realismo neoclássico), e os aspectos relativos à percepção de ameaças, numa dimensão ampliada dos estudos de segurança (inspirados pela Escola de Copenhague). Com isso em mente, este trabalho lida com a literatura sobre a segurança regional e as potências regionais, a qual se baseia em vários pressupostos teóricos Neorrealistas, Realistas Neoclássicos e da Escola de Copenhague. A proposição heurística que guia este trabalho é, dado que a percepção de ameaça externa vem de uma leitura, feita pelo Estado, do seu contexto regional, um Estado com baixo nível de ameaças externas tende a vincular de forma mais intensiva de segurança com o desenvolvimento. As fontes utilizadas são dados quantitativos (Composite Index of National Capabilities do projeto Correlates of War), que permitem avaliar a distribuição de capacidades materiais em três regiões (América do Sul, África do Sul, e no Sul da Ásia) e, principalmente, as políticas declaratórias de defesa, os documentos que carregam percepção dos Estados em relação à segurança. Na comparação dos casos, dois aspectos são o foco para a análise do discurso de segurança: as percepções de segurança sobre as suas regiões, o nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento. / Having as theoretical assumption the regionalization of security issues on the post Cold War period, this dissertation aims is to carry out a comparative analysis of the Defense Policy of three regional powers, namely Brazil, India and South Africa, identifying threat perception in the framework of their Defense Policies. In order to do it, both material capabilities (inspired by Neorealism), and the aspects concerning the perception of threats and widening security studies (inspired by the Copenhagen School) are taken into consideration. Theoretically, this work draws on the literature on regional security and regional powers, which builds upon several assumptions made by Neorrealists, Neoclassical Realists and Copenhagen School thinkers. My heuristic proposition is that, given that foreign threat perceptions come from a State reading of its regional context, a State with low level of foreign threats tends to link more intensively security with development. The sources used are quantitative data (COWs Composite Index of National Capabilities) which allows evaluating the distribution of material capabilities in three regions (South America, Southern Africa, and the South Asia) and mainly the declaratory defense policies, documents that carry States perception regarding security. In the comparison of cases, three aspects for discourse analysis: the security perceptions about their regions, the nexus between security and development.

Most studies on Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Afghanistan have focused on foreign perspectives thus giving little attention to the perspective of local Afghans to understand its aftermath and consequences. Based on empirical work and information drawn from semi-structured interviews with experts who have worked with military and civilian development agencies as well as government liaison officers, this study explores the intended and unintended outcomes of PRTs across the country. The findings were interpreted with the help of a theoretical framework based on PRT objectives such as security implementation, reconstruction, and development as well as extending the authority of central government and building local institutions. The findings show that there were various factors ignored which impacted the success of the Afghan state-building operation. The lack of local knowledge regarding political, cultural, and religious aspects, relying on warlords, putting the local institutions in wrong hands, lack of local consent, inadequate and unprofessional disbursement of development aid, putting the military in charge of everything, undermining the human development aspects as well as the long-term presence of foreign militaries in the country were some of the major factors which lead the PRTs to have unsuccessful and counterproductive outcomes. In addition, the aid disbursed by the military has not only diverted the military from its main task but also led to a high level of corruption, high expenditure, lowest possible quality, risking the safety of civilians, NGOs as well as development in the country. Furthermore, the discussion and analysis of the findings show that the use of the military might have played a much greater role in the failure of the overall state-building campaign as the role of diplomatic and development agencies was undermined.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the motivations underlying the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating on the African continent as well as the way in which institutional contexts – the physical and legal environments – shape their behaviours and/or modes of entry into local industries. Understanding the strategic motives of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Africa as well as the extent to which they implement those motives on the ground and the way in which they respond to local laws is crucial for assessing the medium- to long-term impacts of their activities on the welfare of African populations and forests. This dissertation relies on Dunning‟s eclectic paradigm to understand the motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as on new institutional theory to study the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. This research is based on two case studies: Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo. As far as data collection is concerned, it relied on secondary sources of data such as scholarly articles and books; official documents and legislation; and newspaper articles. This study also drew on primary sources of data, which consisted of documents obtained during the fieldwork such as contracts between Chinese agricultural enterprises and African governments, official documents from Chinese agricultural enterprises as well as semi-structured interviews. Thirty-two semi-structured interviews were conducted with various stakeholders – including managers of Chinese agricultural enterprises, employees of these enterprises, farmers, officials from ministries of agriculture and researchers – in Mozambique and the DRC between April to June 2011. The data collected were analysed with the help of the qualitative analysis software: atlas.ti. The preliminary results collected and analysed in this study suggest that the motivations of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are: 1) to acquire farmlands in order to grow food crops and sell them mainly in local markets; 2) to supply agricultural commodities – cash and food crops – for Chinese markets; and 3) to provide agricultural aid by introducing new varieties of crops imported from China and offering training to farmers, students and technicians. However, the provision of agricultural aid is a secondary motivation of Chinese agricultural enterprises. The motivations informing the activities of Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in Mozambique and the DRC are globally consistent with China‟s foreign policy as these enterprises primarily aim to better position themselves in local markets and to access agricultural commodities for the benefit of Chinese markets. Furthermore, the preliminary results of this study also indicate that the institutional contexts in Mozambique and the DRC appear to affect the behaviours and/or modes of entry of Chinese agricultural enterprises into local industries. As such, the poor provision of infrastructure in rural areas appears to delay further investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises. Also, the complex process of gaining access to land and the weak regulatory capacity in the monitoring and implementation of the land laws appear to hinder investments by Chinese agricultural enterprises and in some instances lead to the cancellation of investments. In the specific case of the DRC, the weak enforcement of land titles appears to discourage further investments. The unfavourable institutional context depicted above has prompted Chinese agricultural enterprises operating in the DRC to adopt new models of business revolving around less risky or smaller agricultural projects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ontleed die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam op die Afrika-vasteland, asook hoe die institusionele konteks, te wete die fisiese en wetlike raamwerke, sulke ondernemings se werkverrigtinge en/of toetreewyses tot plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. 'n Begrip van wat die strategiese motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings is, hoe hulle daardie motiewe op voetsoolvlak implementeer, en hoe hulle aan landswette gehoor gee, is noodsaaklik om die middel- tot lang-termyn impakte wat die ondernemings op die welstand van Afrika bevolkinge en op woudgebiede het, te peil. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van Dunning se eklektiese paradigma om Chinese landbou-ondernemings se motiewe te ontleed. Dit pas ook die nieu-institusionele teorie toe om die werksaamhede en marktoetredes van die ondernemings na te spoor. Die navorsing is op twee gevallestudies gebaseer: Mosambiek en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK). Dit het van sekondêre bronne soos vakwetenskaplike referate en boeke; amptelike dokumentasie en wetsakte; en persartikels gebruik gemaak. Die studie het ook primêre databronne gebruik. Laasgenoemde bestaan uit dokumentasie wat deur die loop van die veldnavorsing ingesamel is, onder meer kontrakte tussen Chinese landbou-ondernemings en Afrika staatslui; amptelike dokumentasie van Chinese landbou-ondernemings; en semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude. Daar is met verskeie belangegroepe in Mosambiek en die DRK - soos die bestuurders van Chinese landbou-ondernemings en hul werknemers, boere, landbou-amptenare en navorsers – onderhoude gevoer. In geheel is 32 semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude in die periode April – Junie 2011 gevoer. Die data is met behulp van die kwalitatiewe ontledingsprogrammatuur atlas.ti ontleed. Die voorlopige bevindinge en ontledings stel voor dat die volgende motiewe die werksaamhede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in Mosambiek en die DRK bepaal: 1) om landerye te bekom om sodoende kos aan te kweek en dit veral aan plaaslike markte te verkoop; 2) om landbouware, te wete kontant en kos, aan Chinese markte te voorsien; 3) om hulpverlening te verskaf deur die bekendstelling van nuwe tipes gewasse uit China, en deur die opleiding van boere, studente en tegnici. Die verskaffing van hulpverlening in die landbou bedryf is egter van sekondêre belang vir Chinese landbou-ondernemings. Die motiewe van Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in Mosambiek en die DRK strook met China se oorhoofse buitelandse beleid omdat hierdie ondernemings primêr daarop uit is om hulself beter in plaaslike markte te posisioneer en om tot die voordeel van Chinese markte landbouware te bekom. Voorts, die voorlopige bevindinge dui ook aan dat die institusionele kontekste in Mosambiek en die DRK die werksaamhede en/of die toetrede van Chinese landbou-ondernemings in plaaslike industrieë beïnvloed. Swak infrastruktuur in landelike gebiede blyk meer beleggings deur Chinese landbou-ondernemings te striem. Die ingewikkelde proses om grond te bekom en gebrekkigheid in die regulering, monitering en implementering van landbouwette blyk ook Chinese beleggings te kortwiek, en in sommige gevalle lei dit tot die opskorting van beleggings. In die geval van die DRK, wil dit voorkom asof gebrekkige afdwinging van grondaktes verdere belegging ontmoedig. Die ongunstige institutionele konteks wat hier geskets is, het Chinese landbou-ondernemings werksaam in die DRK aangemoedig om nuwe sakemodelle toe te pas, wat belegging in kleiner landbou projekte of met minder risiko's, beteken.

資本市場對於一國社會經濟的發展，佔有舉足輕重的地位。一方面，企業生產所需之資本，透過股票或債券等證券的發行，在資本市場迅速籌集資金，推動國家經濟不斷成長；另一方面，國民儲蓄認購企業發行之證券，分享企業經營之成果，從而達成「均富」之目標。台灣資本市場的建立，可以民國51年2月9日「台灣證券交易所」成立為里程碑，發展迄今已逾37年，市場規模日益壯大，並朝向國際化的方向發展。臺灣資本市場的發展就如臺灣經濟發展之縮影，二者亦步亦趨，密不可分。藉由對臺灣資本市場深化程度之探究，將能清楚地看出資本市場在臺灣經濟發展歷程中所佔的比重與發揮的功能。所謂「資本深化」（Capital Deepening），係指資本市場中資金累積的速度。民國五O年代是臺灣經濟的黃金時期，此階段之資本深化程度於五十二至五十五年間為最高；民國六O年代經歷兩次能源危機，但我國堅強之因應能力使得資本市場得以順利發展，深化程度維持穩定；到了七O年代，台灣經濟呈現起伏不定的變化，尤其是七O年代末期，資本市場深化程度大幅提升，但這是市場不正常發展的結果；八O年代迄今，資本市場全力朝自由化與國際化發展。在臺灣資本市場的發展歷程中，遭逢七次重大危機。此七次危機是以股票市場之「十年均線」為標的，本文開創性地歸納出六段加權股價指數於十年均線以下的時期，這六個時期分別為民國71年8月至72年1月、民國79年2月至79年10月、民國81年9月至82年1月、民國84年8月至85年3月、民國87年8月至87年9月與民國88年1月至88年2月；此外，民國83年10月，洪福證券公司發生鉅額跳票，造成股市連續暴跌一個星期，股價指數於六個交易日內重挫1059.04點，跌幅達14.75%，資本市場受創程度不亞於前述六個時期。從臺灣資本市場發展的軌跡中，可以發現影響資本市場起伏變化的因素主要有： 經濟循環、政治因素( 國際形勢的變化、 戰爭的影響、 國內重大政治事件、 國家的重大經濟政策)、 貨幣供給與利率、油價、 企業經營狀況與人為操縱等。此六項因素左右資本市場發展過程之盛衰起伏。 第一章 緒論 ……………………………………………………1~9 第一節 研究背景與目的 …………………………………1~4 第二節 研究內容與流程 …………………………………5~7 第三節 研究方法與限制 …………………………………8~9 第二章 資本市場與國家經濟發展 ……………………………10~29 第一節 「資本」概念的論述 ……………………………10~15 第二節 資本的形成－儲蓄和投資的相關理論 …………16~26 第三節 資本市場在經濟發展中所扮演的角色 …………27~29 第三章 臺灣資本市場之發展歷程 ……………………………30~82 第一節 臺灣資本市場的建立 ……………………………30~41 第二節 臺灣資本市場運作制度之演變歷程 ……………42~62 一、 證券市場管理方面 ……………………………42~47 二、 證券發行市場方面 ……………………………48~51 三、 證券流通市場方面 ……………………………52~55 四、 證券服務業方面 ………………………………56~59 五、 證券市場國際化方面 …………………………60~62 第三節 臺灣資本市場發行與交易之變遷 ………………63~82 一、 股票之發行與交易情形 ………………………63~78 二、 債券之發行與交易情形 ………………………78~82 第四章 臺灣資本市場深化程度之演進 ………………………83~123 第一節 衡量「資本深化」程度指標的建立 ……………83~105 第二節 民國五o年代 ……………………………………106~109 第三節 民國六o年代 ……………………………………110~114 第四節 民國七o年代 ……………………………………115~119 第五節 民國八o年代 ……………………………………120~123 第五章 臺灣資本市場遭逢七次危機之背景、成因、解決政策與借鑒 ………………………124~160 第一節 民國71年8月至72年1月 ……………………124~130 第二節 民國79年2月至79年10月 ………………… 131~136 第三節 民國81年9月至82年1月 ……………………137~143 第四節 民國83年10月 ………………………………144~147 第五節 民國84年8月至85年3月 ……………………148~152 第六節 民國87年8月至87年9月 ……………………153~156 第七節 民國88年1月至88年2月 ……………………157~160 第六章 結論 ………………………………………………… 161~170 第一節 本文主要發現 …………………………………161~164 第二節 本文政策性意涵 ………………………………165~169 第三節 可進一步研究之方向 …………………………170 參考文獻 ……………………………………………………171~180 / Capital market plays a key role in one country's economic development. On the one hand, enterprises can acquire the capital that they demand through issuing securities in capital market; on other hand, the public can share the profits of enterprises by purchasing securities in capital market. The foundation of "Taiwan Stock Exchange" on February 9, 1962 was a milestone in Taiwan's capital market history. Taiwan's capital market development is a miniature of Taiwan's economic development. The significance and functions of Taiwan's capital market in different stages of Taiwan's economic development can be observed clearly by exploring "Capital Deepening". "Capital Deepening" is the speed of capital accumulation in capital market. From 1962 till now, Taiwan's capital market has encountered seven severe crisives-from August 1982 to January 1983, from February 1990 to October 1990, from September 1992 to January 1993, from August 1995 to March 1996, from August 1998 to September 1998, from January 1999 to February 1999, and October 1994. Overall, there are six main factors which influence Taiwan's capital market deeply. They are business cycles, political factors, money supply and interest rate, oil price, enterprises, and personal manipulation.