Aujourd’hui, un discours dominant affirme que le travail humanitaire est devenu dangereux. Face à l’insécurité croissante, les organisations humanitaires ont développé de nouvelles politiques de sécurité afin de mieux protéger le personnel et les infrastructures. En se fondant sur la sociologie des professions d’Abbott, ainsi que sur la théorie du pouvoir de Bourdieu, cette thèse propose une sociologie politique internationale de la professionnalisation de la sécurité humanitaire. Afin de combler les lacunes des explications et des critiques de la sécurité humanitaire, ce travail examine les conditions de possibilités à l’émergence d’un microcosme de professionnels. Du fait de cette transformation de la division du travail, les humanitaires considèrent désormais que certaines des populations les plus nécessiteuses se trouvent au-delà des limites raisonnables du sacrifice. En comparant le coût de la perte d’une « vie d’humanitaire » à la valeur potentielle du sauvetage des vies, les humanitaires participent à l’intensification des inégalités mondiales. Les humanitaires ne contentent plus seulement d’atténuer la souffrance de lointains étrangers, mais ils contribuent aussi à redéfinir la notion de « populations dans le besoin », en les étiquetant comme « populations dangereuses ». Ainsi, la mise en place de la sécurité comme sens pratique de l’humanitaire inverse les impératifs humanitaires fondés sur le sauvetage des vies et sur la défense d’une humanité partagée. Tout en contribuant aux débats sur la sécurité humanitaire, cette thèse participe également à faire avancer les études sur les élites transnationales, sur la sécurité et sur les organisations internationales. / In recent years, a dominant discourse has emerged asserting that humanitarian work has become a dangerous profession. In response to growing insecurity in the field, humanitarian organizations have developed new security policies to better protect humanitarian staff and infrastructures. Drawing from Andrew Abbott’s historical sociology of professions and Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory of power, this thesis proposes an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security. To address the shortcomings of normative-functionalist explanations and poststructuralist critiques of humanitarian security, this thesis examines the conditions of possibility fostering the emergence of a microcosm of humanitarian security professionals. As a consequence of this transformation in the division of humanitarian labor, humanitarian organizations now classify some of world’s neediest populations as beyond the limits of reasonable sacrifice. In the production of this exclusion, humanitarian actors reconstruct “populations in need” as “dangerous populations.” By weighing the cost of the loss of a “humanitarian life” against the potential value of saving the lives of needy others, humanitarian actors contribute to the intensification of global divides in their quest for a common humanity. In sum, the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice is analyzed as a driving force of the inversion of the humanitarian imperative to save lives and act in defense of a shared humanity. Contributing to debates on humanitarian security, this thesis also advances the study of international organizations, security, and transnational power elites.

This paper seeks ways of understanding the new challenges of a rapidly changing world, and does so by attempting to resist the disciplinary power of orthodox research methodology, by critically and reflexively inquiring into the politics of (in)security, and ultimately, by seeking novelty. It begins by first declaring its ethical and methodological starting points, then draws out an assemblage of contemporary security problematics. This leads over and narrows down into an inquiry into how to understand the developing structure of information and cyber security in Sweden. Drawing from critical security studies and feminist research ethics, it sketches out an analytical story of power and knowledge in an age of boundless risk, security and information. It furthermore argues for the need of security scholars, practitioners and politicians alike to move beyond simplistic understandings of the world, and to revision it as shaped by more complex dynamics and flows of the global, digitalized and virtual reality of the world.

[pt] A dissertação reconstrói o plano social formado em torno do debate público sobre os impactos de segurança das mudanças climáticas. Emprega para tanto o método de mapeamento de controvérsias desenvolvido por Pierre Bourdieu, que consiste no posicionamento dos agentes envolvidos no debate em um plano cartesiano, simbolizando as distâncias sociais entre os mesmos. Neste plano se cruzam um eixo horizontal, no qual os agentes são posicionados em função da caracterização que oferecem da ameaça climática (ênfase em segurança humana x ênfase em segurança geopolítica e militar), e um eixo vertical, no qual as coordenadas dos agentes são definidas a partir do tipo de medidas que advogam para o enfrentamento dos impactos de segurança do fenômeno (adaptação preventiva x adaptação reativa). Cruzando as tomadas de posição dos agentes nestes dois eixos, a pesquisa se propõe a avaliar a compatibilidade entre os resultados encontrados e os argumentos de Ulrich Beck, Didier Bigo, Jef Huysmans, Claudia Aradau e Rens Van Munster acerca dos impactos políticos do novo tipo de risco incomensurável que o fenômeno representa. Discute-se, em específico, a tese que associa a securitização das mudanças climáticas à transição de um modelo comunitarista de organização do sistema internacional rumo a um modelo centrado em um senso de pertencimento global. A dissertação tem como ambição, portanto, analisar os efeitos que as diferentes concepções de segurança climática vêm exercendo sobre a compreensão espaço-temporal moderna. Como conclusão, captura uma inclinação do debate em favor de uma concepção do global entendida como troca entre unidades particulares e uma predileção dos agentes por práticas de gerenciamento de risco. / [en] The dissertation maps the social space created around the public discussion concerning the security impacts of climate change. Pierre Bourdieu’s method of controversy mapping was applied, which consisted in positioning the agents involved in the debate on a Cartesian plane, symbolizing the social distances between them. The social map is formed by the intersection of two axes: first, the horizontal axis, in which actors are positioned according to how they frame the climate threat (emphasis on human security x emphasis on geopolitical and military security). Second, a vertical axis, in which agents are located according to the type of measures they advocate to deal with the security impacts of the phenomenon (preventive adaptation x reactive adaptation). By crossing agents’ positions in these two axes, the research tried to evaluate the consistency between its results and the arguments of Ulrich Beck, Didier Bigo, Jef Huysmans, Claudia Aradau and Rens van Munster concerning the political impacts of the new kind of unmanageable risk climate change represents. The dissertation evaluates, in particular, the hypothesis linking the securitization of climate change with the transcendence move from a communitarian international system towards a model based on a global sense of belonging. The research aimed, therefore, to analyze the effects that the different conceptions of climate security are having upon the modern understanding of space and time. As a conclusion, the dissertation identified an inclination among the analyzed agents towards a conception of the global understood as an exchange between well delineated particulars and a propensity towards practices of risk management.

Le gouvernement international des frontières d’Asie centrale (Kirghizstan, Tadjikistan, Ouzbékistan, Kazakhstan, Turkménistan) comprend les projets de gestion des frontières conduits par l’OSCE, la Commission européenne, l’ONUDC et l’OIM entre 1992 et 2012. Ils organisent l’import/export d’une expertise alignant les limites étatiques dans cette région sur un double impératif de mobilité et de sécurité. Comment ces savoirs sur la frontière circulent-ils à travers ces dernières ? Les projets passent par trois univers distincts. Ils prennent attache sur les sociétés centrasiatiques aux intersections entre flux et contrôle. Les équipements qu’ils fournissent n’encadrent toutefois les pratiques de vérification que dans une mesure très variable. Ces investissements sont décidés dans des comités de pilotage situés dans un microcosme qu’on appelle le champ d’opérations. Cet espace se configure selon un capital dont le volume décrit l’autonomie des opérateurs, et dont la structure signale leur niveau de spécialisation dans les mondes du développement et de la sécurité. Sa structure sanctionne positivement les acteurs qui accumulent la plus grande quantité de capital social. Les enceintes d’autorisation sont quant à elles encastrées dans un espace transnational gravitant autour de Bruxelles et de Vienne. Tandis que l’Asie centrale est construite comme un enjeu d’intérêt secondaire au sein du champ de l’Eurocratie, les acteurs de la place viennoise lui accordent une importance plus grande. Les élites transnationales les plus subalternes sont incitées à s’établir dans cette zone de relégation, car elles peuvent plus facilement y rétablir leurs positions respectives. / The international government of Central Asian Borders (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan) refers to projects in the field of border management that have been implemented by the OSCE, the European Commission, the UNODC and IOM between 1992 and 2012. These activities import and export a type of expertise aimed at bringing state boundaries in line with an imperative of mobility and security. But how does this border knowledge circulate across borders in the first place? During their life cycle, projects go through three different social universes. Firstly, they connect with Central Asian societies where control and flows intersect. They provide some equipment which only frames checks and controls to some extent. The steering committees deciding over these investments are embedded in a particular social universe that we call the field of operation. This second space is configured according to a capital whose volume corresponds to the level of autonomy that each implementing agency holds, and whose structure refers to their specialization in development and/or security. The practical logic of this field positively sanctions the accumulation of social capital by individual brokers. The authorization-giving arenas, finally, are situated in a transnational space polarized around Brussels and Vienna. Whilst Central Asia is constructed as a place of secondary interest within the field of Eurocracy, actors working from Vienna perceive this region as a more important issue. Subaltern transnational elites tend establish themselves in such unattractive areas because they gain leeway where they can re-establish themselves as important players from there.

[pt] A dissertação analisa de forma crítica parte da literatura de segurança internacional que advoga pela ampliação da agenda do campo, evidenciando as consequências éticas e políticas de se adotar a lógica da securitização em análises sobre questões sociais. Para tanto, são abordadas as contribuições da Escola de Copenhague às análises sobre a política de controle de fronteiras da União Europeia (UE). Este estudo tem como linha condutora as diferentes visões sobre a criação da Frontex, agência que, apesar das acusações de desrespeito aos direitos dos imigrantes, tornou-se a principal produtora de conhecimento acerca dos riscos às fronteiras europeias. Por fim, é abordada a contribuição do campo da Sociologia Política Internacional para os estudos de segurança, especialmente os trabalhos de Didier Bigo e Jef Huysmans. Esta perspectiva realça os principais problemas da ampliação da agenda de segurança e seu impacto no Estado liberal, demonstrando que há uma modificação drástica nas formas de governança, com restrições à liberdade individual em prol de um suposto aumento de proteção. Deste modo, o objeto desta dissertação é tanto a literatura da Escola de Copenhague, compreendendo suas limitações práticas e silêncios políticos, quanto a própria Frontex, cujas operações são evidências empíricas dos argumentos de Bigo e Huysmans. / [en] This dissertation criticizes part of the literature on international security that advocates for the expansion of the agenda of the field, evidencing the ethical and political consequences of adopting the securitisation perspective while analysing social issues. In this sense, the theoretical contributions of the Copenhagen School to the interpretations of the European Union (EU) policy of boarder control are addressed. This work has as its conductive line the different visions on the creation of the Frontex, an agency that, depite being accused of disrespecting the rights of immigrants, became the main producer of knowledge on the risks to European boarders. Finally, the contribution of the International Political Sociology field to security studies is addressed, mainly through the work of Didier Bigo and Jef Huysmans. This perspective highlights the main problems of widening the security agenda and its impact in the Liberal State, demonstrating that there is a drastic change in the forms of governance, with restrictions to individual freedoms on behalf of an alleged increase in protection. Thereby, the object of this dissertation is both the Copenhagen School literature, understanding its practical limitations and political silences, and Frontex itself, whose operations are empirical evidences of Bigos and Hyusmans s arguments.

This thesis examines the understanding of the concept of resilience in urban security with focus on countering terrorism and emergency planning in London between 2000 and 2015. It analyses the implementation of the concept and the results of it. The thesis first describes the theoretical backgrounds of the concept and creates a classification based on the evolution of the concept. A discourse analysis of security strategies and other official documents is done to demonstrate how resilience was conceptualised in the United Kingdom and how it evolved. Also the influence of private actors is evalueted. The same discourse analysis is done on the level of the city of London. The thesis then describes the specific implementation of resilience that impacts everyday lives of London citizens and it shows that the measures penetrates every aspect of it. The International Political Sociology and the theory of insecuritization is used to assess the findings. It concludes that resilience is used as a governing tool enabeling the UK government to produce an appearance of decisive governing, while it transfers the actual responsibility for everyday security to the citizens and their communities. The transfer is not accompanied by providig appropriete tools and consecquently an atmosphere of insecurity and...

[pt] Esta dissertação busca olhar para o espaço das redes transnacionais religiosas sob a perspectiva da Sociologia Política Internacional. Através do caso paradigmático da construção da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) como ator transnacional e sua transnacionalização para a África, procuro oferecer elementos para entender o lugar dessas redes na política mundial. Muitos estudiosos pensaram que a importância da religião desapareceria da política com o advento da modernização. No entanto, as tradições religiosas se adaptaram aos novos tempos, ressignificando o espaço da religião na sociedade. As redes transnacionais religiosas são resultado desse processo de adaptação. No Brasil, o movimento de transnacionalização religiosa que mais teve destaque foi o das redes neopentecostais, como o da IURD, que se intensificaram a partir da década de 1980. Em uma abordagem de redes de religião como fenômenos transnacionais, vemos que elas produzem efeitos na política mundial que nos permitem modificar a forma como se pode olhar para as relações políticas e sociais, e, por vezes, desafiar o próprio sistema de estados. / [en] This dissertation seeks to look at the space of transnational religious networks from the perspective of International Political Sociology. Through the paradigmatic case of the construction of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) as a transnational actor and its transnationalization for Africa, I try to offer elements to understand the place of these networks in world politics. Many scholars thought that the importance of religion would disappear from politics with the advent of modernization. However, religious traditions have adapted to new times, giving new meaning to the space of religion in society. Transnational religious networks are the result of this adaptation process. In Brazil, the movement of religious transnationalization that stood out the most was that of neopentecostal networks, such as that of the IURD, which intensified from the 1980s onwards. In an approach of religious networks as transnational phenomena, we see that they produce effects on world politics that allow us to modify the way we can look at political and social relations, and sometimes to challenge the state system itself.

For the past two decades, statebuilding has been the object of a growing attention from practitioners and scholars alike. ‘International statebuilding’, as its dominant approach or model guiding the practices of national and international actors, has sparked numerous discussions and debates, mostly around its effectiveness (i.e. if it works) and deficiencies (i.e. why it often fails). Surprisingly, little efforts have been made to investigate what international statebuilding, in the multiple ways it is mobilized by various actors, actually produces on the political dynamics of the ‘fragile’ contexts it is supposed to support and reinforce. Using an instrumentation perspective, this dissertation addresses this gap by exploring the relationship between the micro-dynamics of the uses of international statebuilding instruments and the fragility of contexts. This exploration is articulated around five essays and as many angles to this relationship. Using the case of Hamas, Essay I explores the European Union’s (EU) terrorist labelling policy by questioning the nature and modalities of the enlisting process, its use as foreign policy tool and its consequences on its other agendas, especially its international statebuilding efforts in Palestine. Essay II examines a Belgian good governance incentive mechanism and sheds the light on the tension between the claimed apolitical and objective nature of the instrument and the politicization potential embedded in its design and modalities, naturally leading to a convoluted implementation. Essay III analyses the localization dynamics of transitional justice in Burundi and unveils the nature, diversity and rationale behind transitional justice subversion techniques mobilized by national and international actors, which have produced a triple form of injustice. Essay IV widens this scope in Burundi, developing the argument that the authoritarian trend observed in the 2010-2015 period did not only occur against international statebuilding but also through self-reinforcing subversion tactics of its appropriation. Finally, essay V deepens the reflection on appropriation by attempting to build a theory of regime consolidation through international statebuilding subversion tactics. Overall, the incremental theory building reflection of the essays converges towards the assembling of a comprehensive framework of the in-betweens of the normative diffusion of liberal democracy, the inner-workings of its operationalization through the resort to the international statebuilding instrument and the intermediary constraints or objectives of actors not only interfering with its genuine realization but also contributing to its antipode of regime consolidation, conflict dynamics and authoritarianism. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished