Thesis advisor: Shep Melnick / Most of the literature on the separation of powers in the war on terror vastly overstates the power of the presidency and pays little attention to the respective roles of Congress, the courts, and the bureaucracy in prosecuting that conflict. Scholars – especially those in the legal academy – have consistently failed to appreciate the ways in which the president has been, and continues to be, checked and constrained by a variety of forces. In my dissertation, I engage in highly detailed case studies of U.S. law and policy with respect to detention and military commissions in the war on terror. I pay special attention to the complex interactions that occurred within and between our governing institutions in these policy areas. There are two central arguments that come out of my research and run through my case studies. First, the political scientist Robert Kagan’s work on “adversarial legalism” is no longer simply applicable to the domestic policy realm. The proliferation of legal rules and extensive litigation has increasingly come to characterize foreign affairs as well, with important consequences for how the U.S. implements its national security policies and fights its armed conflicts. In short, adversarial legalism has gone to war. Second, loose talk about the “unitary” nature of the executive branch is misleading. The executive branch is a sprawling bureaucracy made up of diverse actors with different perspectives, preferences, and norms, and that bureaucracy has interacted with Congress and the courts in surprising ways to constrain the presidency in the war on terror. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Thesis advisor: Kenji Hayao / This paper uses a case study approach to analyze changes in Japan's post-Cold War security policy. While many observers feel that these changes are the result of the 1997 Defense Guidelines Review, the argument forwarded here is that it is the result of a series of unique domestic circumstances in Japan. It traces these factors starting with the Persian Gulf War and then the War on Terrorism and the current North Korean nuclear crisis. Finally, this paper assesses the prospects for the future of Japan's security policy. While Japan will continue to be a strong ally for the United States, there are distinct limits on how far it will go to provide for collective security. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Propõe-se uma estratégia de modelagem e de análise formal de políticas de segurança para sistemas baseados em fluxos de trabalho (workflows) e contendo regras que envolvam aspectos de lógica de negócios. Verifica-se com o auxílio de uma política de exemplo que a estratégia proposta resulta em modelos amplamente capazes de expressar restrições lógicas em função de parâmetros de negócio sem comprometer a viabilidade de suas análises. A modelagem baseia-se no uso de um metamodelo definido a partir da identificação das entidades que caracterizam o estado de proteção de um sistema e representado na forma de uma rede de Petri colorida. Por meio da escrita de predicados para consulta sobre o espaço de estados da rede de Petri, verifica-se o atendimento às regras de segurança no modelo formal. A tratabilidade da análise é garantida pela adoção de um paradigma diferenciado principalmente pela busca de ramos inseguros em vez de nós inseguros no espaço de estados e por explorar a natureza independente entre serviços de negócio distintos, expressa por restrições ao fluxo de informação no metamodelo. Tais restrições permitem que a análise seja fracionada evitando o problema da explosão de estados. O exemplo discutido de modelagem e análise de um sistema de serviços bancários online fornece evidências suficientes para atestar a aplicabilidade do método à validação de políticas de segurança para sistemas reais. / A strategy is proposed for the formal modeling and analysis of workflow- -based security policies having rules which involve aspects of business logic. Aided by an example of security policy, the proposed strategy is shown to lead to models widely capable of expressing logical restrictions as functions of business parameters without compromising the feasibility of its analyses. The modeling is based on the usage of a metamodel defined from the identification of the entities that characterize the protection state of a system, and represented as a colored Petri net. By writing predicates for querying the Petri net state-space, compliance with security rules at the formal model is verified. The feasibility of the analysis is ensured by the adoption of a paradigm distinguished mainly for the search for insecure branches rather than insecure nodes in the state-space, and for exploiting the independent nature among different business services, expressed by restrictions to the information flow within the metamodel. Such restrictions allow the analysis to be fractioned, avoiding the state explosion problem. The example provided of modeling and analysis of an online banking services system offers enough evidence to attest the applicability of the method to the validation of security policies for real-world systems.

The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the significance of identity as a driving force behind Swedish security policy change. By studying social identity constructions of Russia in Swedish defence propositions from 1992, 2004 and 2015, the thesis concludes that these constructions might have resulted in shifts in Swedish security policy. The thesis uses discourse analysis to examine how Russia was socially constructed as 'difference' in the propositions. Drawing on self/other theories in IR, the study concludes that Russia was constructed in more or less antagonistic forms of ‘otherness’/’difference’ in the different propositions. In 1992, Russia was constructed as a neutral other and a temporally radical other. In 2004, Russia was constructed as a connected other. In 2015, Russia was constructed as a radical other, mostly due to the Russian aggression against and annexation of Crimea. Moreover the article concludes, through a qualitative content analysis, that these perceptions of Russia may have generated ontological (in)security for Swedish political identity. Drawing on Mitzen (2006) and others, the thesis demonstrates that ontological (in)security may have been a driving force behind security policy change. This thesis argues that the search for ontological security may have resulted in European integration for Sweden in 1992, expanded cooperation with Russia in 2004 and a proposition on a strengthened defence capability in 2015. In relation to existing research on Swedish security policy change, this thesis highlights the importance of identity and perceptions of 'others' as a driving force behind security policy change.

Propõe-se uma estratégia de modelagem e de análise formal de políticas de segurança para sistemas baseados em fluxos de trabalho (workflows) e contendo regras que envolvam aspectos de lógica de negócios. Verifica-se com o auxílio de uma política de exemplo que a estratégia proposta resulta em modelos amplamente capazes de expressar restrições lógicas em função de parâmetros de negócio sem comprometer a viabilidade de suas análises. A modelagem baseia-se no uso de um metamodelo definido a partir da identificação das entidades que caracterizam o estado de proteção de um sistema e representado na forma de uma rede de Petri colorida. Por meio da escrita de predicados para consulta sobre o espaço de estados da rede de Petri, verifica-se o atendimento às regras de segurança no modelo formal. A tratabilidade da análise é garantida pela adoção de um paradigma diferenciado principalmente pela busca de ramos inseguros em vez de nós inseguros no espaço de estados e por explorar a natureza independente entre serviços de negócio distintos, expressa por restrições ao fluxo de informação no metamodelo. Tais restrições permitem que a análise seja fracionada evitando o problema da explosão de estados. O exemplo discutido de modelagem e análise de um sistema de serviços bancários online fornece evidências suficientes para atestar a aplicabilidade do método à validação de políticas de segurança para sistemas reais. / A strategy is proposed for the formal modeling and analysis of workflow- -based security policies having rules which involve aspects of business logic. Aided by an example of security policy, the proposed strategy is shown to lead to models widely capable of expressing logical restrictions as functions of business parameters without compromising the feasibility of its analyses. The modeling is based on the usage of a metamodel defined from the identification of the entities that characterize the protection state of a system, and represented as a colored Petri net. By writing predicates for querying the Petri net state-space, compliance with security rules at the formal model is verified. The feasibility of the analysis is ensured by the adoption of a paradigm distinguished mainly for the search for insecure branches rather than insecure nodes in the state-space, and for exploiting the independent nature among different business services, expressed by restrictions to the information flow within the metamodel. Such restrictions allow the analysis to be fractioned, avoiding the state explosion problem. The example provided of modeling and analysis of an online banking services system offers enough evidence to attest the applicability of the method to the validation of security policies for real-world systems.

Cette thèse analyse l’institutionnalisation du Haut représentant de l’UE dans les négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien entre 2003 et 2015. En combinant la sociologie de l’UE avec la sociologie des RI, elle interroge les dynamiques qui ont amené le Haut représentant à être reconnu comme légitime par l’ensemble des acteurs de la configuration du dossier nucléaire iranien. À partir de ce questionnement, ce travail propose un cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’institutionnalisation de l’Europe de la politique étrangère. En m’appuyant sur l’hypothèse de la différenciation des espaces sociaux, je prendrai en compte les logiques distinctes structurant l’arène globale de la négociation nucléaire et l’arène de la PESC, tout en les appréhendant comme des arènes enchevêtrées. À partir de l’analyse de l’institutionnalisation du rôle du Haut représentant dans le dossier nucléaire et en s’inspirant de la sociologie de Michel Dobry, ce travail permet de concevoir la variation de l’emprise des différents espaces sociaux sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune. Plutôt que de privilégier l’analyse d’une dimension sur l’autre, il est nécessaire de saisir la trajectoire de leur rapport afin d’appréhender le caractère aléatoire de la construction de l’Europe de la politique étrangère dans toute sa complexité. Au-delà de cela, l’étude de cas questionne l’idée de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE en tant que processus d’intégration. En effet, l’inscription de l’UE dans l’espace global de la diplomatie internationale nous permet de voir qu’il s’agit aussi bien d’une dynamique d’autonomisation, de différenciation et d’exclusion / This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, it examines the dynamics that led the High representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy. In line with the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion

The misappropriation sanctions refer to the European Union sanctions adopted against foreign kleptocrats to address the suspected theft of public funds. After the regimes had been successfully overthrown in the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 as well as the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014, the misappropriation sanctions were imposed, in all three cases, as the ousted leaders and their close associates were suspected of stealing vast amounts of public funds from their respective countries and hiding the misappropriated funds overseas. The misappropriation sanctions take the form of asset freezes against individuals considered being responsible for “misappropriation of state funds”. The sanctions in question have been extensively reviewed by the Court of Justice of the European Union as numerous of the targeted individuals have applied for annulment of the sanctions in the parts that concern them. The purpose of this thesis is to examine, on the basis of the case law of the CJEU, the threshold for legitimate listing of a targeted individuals in the misappropriation sanctions. It is concluded that threshold vis-à-vis the criteria or the listing grounds must be regarded as reasonable, while the threshold concerning the respect of fundamental rights is creating a heavy burden to bear.

The purpose and main thesis of this study is to analyze the motivations for the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over time. By examining annual reports from the Office of the High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the CFSP, ranging from 2009-2017, the aim is to investigate whether the EUs increased security cooperation is motivated by arguments expressing a common European identity, or by arguments supporting pragmatic cooperation between member states. Theoretically, this study relies on the perspectives Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism to interpret the results and to contribute to the research fields of international relations and in particular European Union studies. Hypothetically, the reports were expected to either favor common identity arguments or pragmatic arguments over a course of time. The results show there was no clear change in motivation in either direction. In conclusion, no empirical evidence of further EU integration was discovered. Ideas of future research and the implications of the result are discussed at the close of the study.

本文主要目的在研究西德政府的安全政策為何。第二次世界大戰後,德國一分為二,直到一九九0年才再度統一,分裂過程總計四十年之中久。在這段漫長路途中,德國問題不只和心繫祖國一統的德意志人民有密切關係,也牽涉到忽緊忽鬆的東西關係。畢竟,德國問題不只是德國人的家務事,也牽動著東西兩大陣營在歐洲的均勢角逐。由於是牽一髮而動全局的關鍵所在,在這場零合競爭中,德國的再統一在一九八九年之前似乎只是個夢想而已。固然,德國的再統一印證了天下合久必分,分久必合的說法,但是過於強調這種說法,所可能犯的錯誤就在於,將統一視為一種只是水到渠成的時 間問題,而忽略了過程的探討。僅管戈巴契夫的新思維(New Thinking)和東歐人心思變是兩股將兩德推向統一的重大力量,但之前西德政府長期的努力也是功不可沒。倘若沒有艾德諾(Konrad Adenauer)政府的固本培元,布朗德(Willy Brandt)政府的認清時機及順水推舟以及施密特(Helmut Schmidt)政府的前瞻務實,那麼統一是否能在柯爾(Helmut Kohl)政府時期順利和平的完成,不也是個疑問。因此,本文的研就希望瞭解,在戰後的國際體係下,艾德諾政府及施密特政府的安全政策為何,成就為何?三者差異為何?所面臨的困境為何?

Deutschland und Polen bedürfen eines erneuerten strategischen Kontextes für ihre partnerschaftlichen Beziehungen. Die unterschiedlichen Haltungen zu Militäreinsätzen sind durch historische Erfahrungen bestimmt. Falls die schwarz-rote Koalition für Deutschland wieder die Rolle des euro-atlantischen Vermittlers übernimmt, wird sich das positiv auf die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen auswirken. / Germany and Poland need a new strategic context for their partnership. Their approaches towards the use of force are determined by different historical experiences. If the "blackred coalition" in Germany again plays a role as a transatlantic mediator, it will push the Polish-German relations in the right direction.