Russland sieht in der Shanghai-Gruppe ein wichtiges außen- und sicherheitspolitisches Instrument. Damit sollen sowohl das internationale Profil verbessert als auch militärische Interessen (Waffenexporte) umgesetzt werden. Obwohl sich das Verhältnis zu China deutlich verbesserte, ist es russisches Interesse, mittels der SCO Chinas Einfluss in Zentralasien zu begrenzen. Angesichts der strategischen Differenzen zwischen Moskau und Peking stellt sich das Problem des möglichen Bruchs der Shanghai-Gruppe.

Introduction Information technology security or computing system security is one of the most impor-tant issues that businesses all over the world strive to deal with. However, the world has now changed and in essential ways. The desk-top computer and workstation have appeared and proliferated widely. The net effect of all this has been to expose the computer-based information system, i.e. its hardware, its software, its software processes, its databases, its communications to an environment over which no one—not end user, not network admin-istrator or system owner, not even government—has control. Purpose Since IT security has a very broad spectrum and encompasses a lot of issues, we want to focus our research by taking a critical look at how business organizations manage IT secu-rity with specific emphasis on administrative and physical controls. Methods When the authors of this paper approached the topic to be studied it soon became evident that the most relevant and interesting task was not merely to investigate how business and non business organizations manage their IT security, but in fact try to understand what lies behind them. The purpose of this paper demands a deeper insight of how organizations address the issue of computer security; the authors wanted to gain a deeper understanding of how security issues have been addressed or being tackled by the organizations. Thus, the qualitative method was most suitable for this study. Conclusion Based on the chosen approach, the result of this study has shown that both business and non-business organizations located in Jönköping recognize the importance of IT security, and are willing to protect their systems from threats such as unauthorized access, theft, fire, power outage and other threats to ensure the smooth running of their systems at all times.

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

ABSTRACT THE EUROPEAN UNION FACTOR IN THE UNITED STATES-TURKEY RELATIONS: 1995-1999 &Ccedil / ankaya, Mine M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Dr. Fulya Kip Barnard September 2003, 188 pages This study seeks to analyze the imperatives underlying the United States policy of supporting Turkey&amp / #8217 / s full membership to the European Union from 1995 to 1999. It is basically composed of four parts. The first part discusses the US security policy in the regions surrounding Turkey following the demise of the Soviet Union. Accordingly, the US security policies towards Russia, the Europe, the Balkans, the Middle East, the Central Asia and the Caucasus are examined. The second part is devoted to the examination of American-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era. The third part deals with the role of the EU in Turkish domestic politics in the post- Cold War era. The last chapter serves as the essence of the study. It aims to focus on the implications of Turkey&amp / #8217 / s relations with the EU for the US security policy. Within this framework thedomestic changes in Turkish politics especially the rise of Islam and nationalism in the mid 90s and their implications for the US security policy are explained. Second, Turkey&amp / #8217 / s role in the emerging European security framework and its implications for the US security policy are scrutnized. Having elaborated these factors, this study concludes with a brief analysis of the basic points of the study. Keywords: The US security policy, American-Turkish relations, Turkey-EU relations.

I nationens intresse: (En beskrivning och analys av texter från regeringen ochFörsvarsberedningen 2008 vad avser ”nationella intressen” i svensk säkerhetspolitik.)Att försvara svenska värden och intressen är nu jämte försvaret av Sverige Försvarsmaktensfrämsta uppgift. Nu när begreppet ”nationellt intresse” verkar ha fått en ny och viktig roll i svensksäkerhetspolitik så är det angeläget att undersöka mer systematiskt på vilket sätt det förhåller sig.Det är med denna bakomliggande tanke som ämnet för uppsatsen är valt, dvs. att undersöka vilkenroll den klassiska termen ”nationella intressen” spelar i nutida svensk försvars ochsäkerhetspolitik.Som grund för undersökningen har jag har analyserat officiella tal, artiklar och uttalanden utlagdapå regeringens hemsida från januari 2008 till november 2008 av Sveriges statsminister,utrikesminister och försvarsminister. Alla texter har kontrollerats om begreppet nationellaintressen, svenska intressen, egenintresse inklusive engelska översättningar och svenska böjningarförekommer. Jag har även analyserat karaktären av de nationella intressen som finns redovisade iFörsvarsberedningens rapport Försvar i användning. Sveriges nationella intressen är därdefinierade som: 1. Upprätthålla och säkra Sveriges välstånd.(Önskat intresse) 2. Upprätthålla ochsäkra Sveriges trygghet och säkerhet.(Operationellt intresse) 3. En världsordning med sin grund ifolkrätten, för att uppnå fred, frihet och försoning.(Önskat intresse) 4. Ett stabilt och förutsägbartnärområde.(Operationellt intresse) och använt dem som utgångspunkt i diskussion och analys.Undersökningen visar att begreppet innehar rollen såsom ett centralt analytiskt begrepp och utryckför politiskt handlande i svensk säkerhetspolitik. Men ju mer man preciserar innebörden avbegreppet så nedgår det politiska utrymmet för dess användning. Det ligger alltså i dess politiskaanvändningsområdes natur att förbli oprecist och övergripande för att fortsätta inneha en centralroll. Det uppkommer ett dilemma när begreppet skall fungera väl i ytterligare en roll. Nämligen irollen såsom värdeord för målstyrning av Försvarsmakten vilket kräver precisering ochkonkretisering. / Defending Swedish values and national interests are- together with the defense of Sweden- theprinciple tasks of the Armed Forces. This concept of “national interest” has gained particularcuriosity resent, thus both the traditional and contemporary notion(s) are examined.To accomplish the above an analysis of relevant documents, speeches and statements betweenJanuary 2008 and November 2008 has been conducted. Statements of policy from the Swedishgovernment have been investigated for evidence of vested interests. All texts have been checkedfor the concept of national interests, Swedish interests, vested interests including Englishtranslations and their possible distortions. A review of the of the Ministry of Defence ‘SwedishDefense Commission Report (2008)’. In this document Sweden’s “national interests” are definedas: Maintain and secure Sweden's prosperity. (Aspirational interest) Maintain and ensure thatSweden is safe and secure. (Operational interest) A world order with its basis in international law,in order to achieve peace, freedom and reconciliation. (Aspirational interest ) A predictable andstable surrounding area. (Operational interest)The survey attempts to show that the concept is holding a role as a key analytical concept and anexpression of political action in the Swedish security policy. But the more you clarify the meaningof the term so fall the political space for its use. It is therefore in its political nature to remainimprecise to continue to hold a central role. One current dilemma for the Armed Forces is that inorder for it to function effectively it requires clearly defined goals whilst the political use of the“national interest” can have the obverse consequence. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

Studien har sitt utgangspunkt i den norske regjeringens nordområdestrategi. Denne fremstårsom et ambisiøst dokument der regjeringen søker å påvirke utviklingen i en hel region, bådenasjonalt og internasjonalt. Hensikten med studien er å belyse nordområdestrategien fra ulikeperspektiv for på denne måten søke å oppnå en dypere forståelse for denne. De valgteperspektivene, konstruktivismen og realismen, er svært forskjellige og bidrar derfor i vesentliggrad til å få fram ulike forhold ved strategien.Studien er gjennomført ved å analysere ulike teorier knyttet til de ulike perspektiver og deretterbruke resultatet av dette i en gjennomgang av ulike deler av strategien. Ut fra dette er det ogsågjort noen overordnede vurderinger omkring strategien som dokument, budskapet og aktører.Resultatet av studien er at man ved ulike perspektiver observerer ulike forhold rundt et objektog at bruk av perspektiver virkelig kan gi dypere innsikt. Det er også påvist at strategien i formog oppbygging har rasjonelle trekk, men at den i innhold også i stor grad har konstruktivistisketrekk. Budskapet i strategien er videre ikke rettet mot en motstander, men fremstår i stor gradsom en invitasjon om samarbeid for å kunne nå en visjon som gagner alle aktører.Strategien har både en utenrikspolitisk og en innenrikspolitisk dimensjon og søker å virke ibegge områder. Innenrikspolitisk har dette form av policy og føringer, mens utenrikspolitisksøkes mer en tilslutning for strategiens hovedinnhold, både i forhold til Russland, men også EUog USA. / This study is based on the Norwegian government strategy for the northern areas. The strategyappears as an ambitious document where the Norwegian government is aiming to influence thedevelopment of the entire region.The purpose with this study is to enlighten the strategy for the northern areas from differentperspectives in order to achieve a deeper understanding. The selected perspectives, realism andconstructivism, are very different in nature and have brought to attention very particular aspectsof the strategy.The result of the study brings to attention that different perspectives give various observation ofan object and the use of these perspectives can give a deeper knowledge of the subject. It is alsoclear that the Norwegian strategy is constructed and built in line with rationalism, but the actualcontent of the strategy to a large extent also includes constructivist perspectives.The message in the strategy is not aiming toward an opponent, but is more like an invitation tocooperate to achieve a vision that is gaining all actors in the area.The strategy is covering both foreign and the domestic policy. Related to domestic policy, thestrategy is giving information and guidelines to the different actors. With regards to the foreignpolicy, the strategy is aiming to gain positive support and understanding for the overall intent,primarily from Russia, but also from the EU and the United States. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

Different solutions have been used for each security aspects (access control, application security) to secure enterprise web applications. However combining &quot / enterprise-level&quot / and &quot / application-level&quot / security aspects in one layer could give great benefits such as reusability, manageability, and scalability. In this thesis, adding a new layer to n-tier web application architectures to provide a common evaluation and enforcement environment for both enterprise-level and application level policies to bring together access controlling with application-level security. Removing discrimination between enterprise-level and application-level security policies improves manageability, reusability and scalability of whole system. Resource Access Decision (RAD) specification has been implemented and used as authentication mechanism for this layer. RAD service not only provides encapsulating domain specific factors to give access decisions but also can form a solid base to apply positive and negative security model to secure enterprise web applications. Proposed solution has been used in a real life system and test results have been presented.

After experiencing World War ¢¹and ¢º, the European countries recognized that to prevent war on Europe was of necessary. They would like to inspire economic development by economic integration, and furthermore, to push Europe back to the key actor of world politics through political integration. From ¡§European Common Market¡¨, ¡§European Community¡¨ to ¡§European Union¡¨, the European countries has gone through many complex negotiations. Among the regimes in European Union, ¡§Common Foreign and Security Policy¡¨ works through ¡§Intergovernmental Cooperation¡¨, which is of much higher political meaning. It symbolizes the operation of integration theory has strode from economic to political matters. The operations of CFSP have two important contributions to Europe. First of all, it contributed to the reconciliation of European nations. Second, it demonstrates peace can be achieved through legal and institutional negations without threatening the existing political authorities. Both China and Taiwan can take lessons in the CFSP¡¦s negotiation process, especially in the aspects of how to leave aside disputes and put aside minor differences so as to seek common ground. President Chen Shui-Bian gave a talk on 31 December 2000 which indicated that the Cross-strait relation could learn from EU¡¦s integration experience and jointly seek for new framework of political integration. It could start from economic and cultural integration, build confidence step by step, and look for new framework for political integration. This kind of opinion conforms to international development experience. What norms of EU¡¦s experience should the Cross-strait refer to is the main topic of this research. How do EU¡¦s institutions make compromise between ¡§national interest¡¨ and ¡§EU¡¦s development¡¨ is another concerning point of the research.

National security policies are defined as ¡§Those effective procedures or actions taken by the government to guard the nation whenever the nation encounters the crises endangering national security¡¨. After the end of the curfew in 1987, the authoritarian form of government turned into a democratic one. In the transformation process from 1988 to 2008, the ¡§silent revolution¡¨ had been achieved through the peaceful exchange of the ruling parties, which had increased the democratic development of Taiwan and renewed each social status. Nevertheless, diversified opinions and disagreements resulted from such a successful revolution. The transition of political party in 2000 is a turning point. Different ruling parties hold different claims and implement different national policies. Moreover, the nation security was influenced by three crucial issues¡Ftherefore, the formulation and implementation of national security policies are worthy of deeper exploration. This research structure followed the politic systematical theory and investigated our national security policies to achieve the following two purposes¡G (a) the investigation of the crucial period after the end of curfew, the formulation of the national security policies under the politic systematical theory and different ruling concepts by different ruling parties, and (b) the analysis and comparison of the national secure policies, in terms of the politic systematical theory, between different ruling parties¡¦ viewpoints in the operation of the democratic system.