This research investigates Iran’s geopolitical importance in the context of the Cold War in the years 1957-1968 that made it a key target for Soviet intelligence and a crucial intelligence battleground with all states that held an interest in Iran. For Iran and the non-Soviet Bloc powers, Iran’s newly established intelligence and national security organisation (SAVAK) had become an entity whose counter-intelligence capabilities were crucial in curtailing the activities of Soviet and Soviet-aligned intelligence officers within Iran. The intelligence agencies of the Soviet Union, the KGB and GRU, were highly active within Iran in both seeking to gather intelligence and to undermine the Pahlavi regime and it was left to the SAVAK’s counter-intelligence directorate to pursue the difficult task of combating these efforts. This Cold War battle extended to Iraq where Iraqi governments were viewed by the SAVAK as being proxies for Soviet interests. As a result of such concerns the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence structure sought not only to gather intelligence but also to directly influence events within Iraq. Iran's counter-intelligence and foreign-intelligence structures therefore played a critical national security role during the Cold War years 1957-1968. This research will firstly explore how the SAVAK’s foreign intelligence activities ultimately led to the establishment and expansion of Iranian intelligence collection and analysis capabilities in its regional sphere of interest. Intelligence theory is also used to examine the SAVAK's counter-intelligence and foreign intelligence structures and operations during the stated period of investigation, together with the influence of Cold War thinking on its activities. The main strands of inquiry in this research will at the outset involve the question of why Iran felt it necessary to establish professional foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence capabilities. The structure and operational methods of these capabilities will then be examined along with the reasons for why the USSR and Iraq were targeted by Iranian foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence. The important relationship between intelligence and policy formulation and execution will also be analysed in this specific period of the Cold War.

The neoralism has been chosen as theoretical basis for the thesis. First part is describing and analyzing changed in national security of France during the presidency of Sarkozy in the new defense doctrine. Another part is analyzing in depth the return of France to NATO military commandment as one of these changes, as well as the example of french reponse to international security menace.

The purpose of this research project is to analyse the opportunities and challenges that the foreign and security policy research institutes face in transnational cooperation across wider Europe. By specifically examining the capacities of non- and quasi-governmental actors to operate and cooperate at transnational level, the research informs the choices presented by the ongoing restructuring of the foreign and security policy sphere. The increasing deterritorialisation of foreign and security policy issues calls for transnational or multinational approaches to resolve them. As nation states fall short of the appropriate capacities, it is of interest to investigate how non- and quasi-governmental actors can contribute to transnational interaction. Therefore, their tools and capacities to operate and cooperate in the transnational sphere need to be established in the first place. In this context a broader geographical focus is chosen in order to study a more differentiated situation, instead of the already relatively integrated case of the European Union. The thesis first studies cooperation among research institutes in broader terms under consideration of their socio-political environment. It outlines differences in their organic development dependent on the geographic affiliation of the institutes, and identifies their tools as well as several defining characteristics. This is followed by an analysis of the fieldwork, discussing processes, opportunities and challenges in transnational cooperation as perceived by staff in research institutes. Subsequently, the thesis takes a more detailed look at applied cooperation among research institutes. Here it traces patterns and formats of interaction, and then delves into a case study on project- based cooperation that provides functional insights regarding research institutes cooperation across borders. In studying cooperation among research institutes from various perspectives, the research enables to investigate the integration among the different narratives. The study integrates a range of issues and concepts in an original manner, therefore it contributes to several significant debates. On the face of it, the thesis adds to the identification of a role for non- and quasi-governmental actors in an increasingly deterritorialised foreign and security policy sphere, using the example of research institutes. To address this aspect, the study considers both the broader implications of socio-political and economic interrelations for cooperation, as well as the detailed functional level of interaction. Moreover, based on the choice of geographical focus, the research project contributes to the literature on EU-Russia relations. Herein it adds to the extant literature by offering a perspective which acknowledges the implications of high politics but emphasises the role of non- and quasi-governmental actors. Beyond that, the thesis contributes to the theoretical debate on foreign and security policy in choosing a non-traditional approach to examine a non-traditional issue. Post-structuralism serves to facilitate a critical review of the construction of cooperation among Russian and EU-based public policy research institutes.

The state of Arizona became the main corridor for unauthorised migration into the United States in the early 2000s. A security approach to the issue at the state and local levels of policymaking became increasingly marked later in that decade. This escalation challenged the longstanding settlement in the United States that immigration was an exclusively federal matter, but occurred during a time when, by traditional measures, the unauthorised entry problem was easing. Such a development raises important questions about why security is chosen as a policy approach, highlighting the need to understand the securitization of immigration as a matter of political rationality. This thesis uses recent immigration politics in Arizona as a case study in order to examine why policymakers treat an issue like immigration as a security issue, when other interpretations are available. This thesis provides a detailed historical narrative of the evolution of migration and border-security politics at these levels of government in Arizona from 2004, when a broad political consensus began to emerge that there was a security problem on the international border which the state had to act to address, to 2011, when the then-years-long trend of securitizing immigration at the state level was abruptly halted. Taking an interpretivist approach to understanding policymaking, this thesis employs semi-structured elite interviews with state and local-level policymakers in Arizona, and extensive analysis of media and government documents. This research contributes originally to knowledge in two main ways. First, it furthers the migration politics field by advancing its understanding of the securitization of migration, and particularly the phenomenon of parties across the political spectrum coming to support security approaches towards, and restriction of, immigration. This thesis thoroughly explains the occurrence of this phenomenon in a major case, identifying the elite political logics, strategies, and understandings that were instrumental in the decisions that composed this process. Second, this thesis contributes to a developing security-studies literature that conceptualises securitization not as an “exceptional” form of politics, but as driven by “normal” political considerations. This research identifies how competitive democratic political logics produced phenomena usually ascribed by securitization theory to exceptionalism, including the narrowed field of contestation around security issues, and the adoption of policies that would previously have been considered extreme. It also examines how, in this case, securitization was successfully contested democratically. In this way, this thesis contributes toward the development of a concept of “security politics.”

The purpose and main thesis of this study is to analyze the motivations for the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over time. By examining annual reports from the Office of the High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the CFSP, ranging from 2009-2017, the aim is to investigate whether the EUs increased security cooperation is motivated by arguments expressing a common European identity, or by arguments supporting pragmatic cooperation between member states. Theoretically, this study relies on the perspectives Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism to interpret the results and to contribute to the research fields of international relations and in particular European Union studies. Hypothetically, the reports were expected to either favor common identity arguments or pragmatic arguments over a course of time. The results show there was no clear change in motivation in either direction. In conclusion, no empirical evidence of further EU integration was discovered. Ideas of future research and the implications of the result are discussed at the close of the study.

<p>Sverige befann sig i en tid där andra världskriget fortfarande var i färskt minne. Geografiskt ligger landet centralt placerad mellan två supermakter, och det råder en spänd stämning i det internationella säkerhetspolitiska läget. Det svenska luftrummet har en stor strategisk betydelse i en internationell kontext. Med förtroendeskapande löften om alliansfrihet och ett avskräckande initiativ i form en av världens starkaste flygvapen försöker Sverige hålla sig utanför eventuella väpnade konflikter. Alliansfrihet syftande till neutralitet i krig är den officiella säkerhetspolitiska ställning Sverige har haft i nästan 200 år, och inte minst under två världskrig. Detta arv försökte Sveriges politiker föra vidare för att skona svenska liv. Paradoxalt nog har Sverige som suveränt land gjort analysen att förstärkningar måste tillföras utifrån ifall landet blir invaderad av en motståndare. Det uppstår ett dilemma mellan att bibehålla alliansfrihet och ett beroende av väst. Denna uppsats är en komparativ litteraturstudie som tar sin utgångspunkt i en statlig utredning och oberoende forskare för att skapa ett underlag för att belysa den balansgång mellan alliansfrihet och de västorienterade flygoperativa förberedelserna. Uppsatsens frågeställningar är; Vad finns det för likheter och skillnader mellan forskarna och SOU 1994:11 i fråga om synsätt och slutsatser? Hur kan man uppfatta och tolka gränsområdet mellan flygoperativa förberedelser och alliansfrihet? Med hjälp av de teoretiska modellerna ”avskräckning och förtroendeskapande” samt ”integration och avskärmning” åskådliggörs den balansgång som Sverige använde sig av för att hålla vårt land utanför krig och väpnade konflikter.</p> / <p>Sweden found itself in an era when World War II was still fresh in memory. Geographically the country is centrally located between two superpowers, and there is a tense atmosphere in the international community. The Swedish air space has a high strategic importance. By using Neutrality and one of the world's strongest air force Sweden is trying to stay out of armed conflicts. To be neutral has been Sweden official political statement for almost 200 years, not least during two world wars. At the same time Sweden has made the analysis that reinforcements has to be acquired if the country finds itself being invaded. Sweden struggle with the dilemma between maintaining neutrality and a dependence on the West. This paper is a comparative literature study based on a government inquiry and independent researchers. This paper aims to illustrate how the gray area in this very complex security dilemma can be interpreted. The main questions are these: What are the similarities and differences between scientists and SOU 1994:11 in terms of their approach and conclusions? How can one understand and interpret the border area between the flight preparation and non-alignment? With the help of the theoretical models "deterrence and confidence-building measurements" and "integration and independent" this papers illustrates the balancing act that Sweden had to accomplish in order to stay out of conflicts in the Cold War.</p>

Sverige befann sig i en tid där andra världskriget fortfarande var i färskt minne. Geografiskt ligger landet centralt placerad mellan två supermakter, och det råder en spänd stämning i det internationella säkerhetspolitiska läget. Det svenska luftrummet har en stor strategisk betydelse i en internationell kontext. Med förtroendeskapande löften om alliansfrihet och ett avskräckande initiativ i form en av världens starkaste flygvapen försöker Sverige hålla sig utanför eventuella väpnade konflikter. Alliansfrihet syftande till neutralitet i krig är den officiella säkerhetspolitiska ställning Sverige har haft i nästan 200 år, och inte minst under två världskrig. Detta arv försökte Sveriges politiker föra vidare för att skona svenska liv. Paradoxalt nog har Sverige som suveränt land gjort analysen att förstärkningar måste tillföras utifrån ifall landet blir invaderad av en motståndare. Det uppstår ett dilemma mellan att bibehålla alliansfrihet och ett beroende av väst. Denna uppsats är en komparativ litteraturstudie som tar sin utgångspunkt i en statlig utredning och oberoende forskare för att skapa ett underlag för att belysa den balansgång mellan alliansfrihet och de västorienterade flygoperativa förberedelserna. Uppsatsens frågeställningar är; Vad finns det för likheter och skillnader mellan forskarna och SOU 1994:11 i fråga om synsätt och slutsatser? Hur kan man uppfatta och tolka gränsområdet mellan flygoperativa förberedelser och alliansfrihet? Med hjälp av de teoretiska modellerna ”avskräckning och förtroendeskapande” samt ”integration och avskärmning” åskådliggörs den balansgång som Sverige använde sig av för att hålla vårt land utanför krig och väpnade konflikter. / Sweden found itself in an era when World War II was still fresh in memory. Geographically the country is centrally located between two superpowers, and there is a tense atmosphere in the international community. The Swedish air space has a high strategic importance. By using Neutrality and one of the world's strongest air force Sweden is trying to stay out of armed conflicts. To be neutral has been Sweden official political statement for almost 200 years, not least during two world wars. At the same time Sweden has made the analysis that reinforcements has to be acquired if the country finds itself being invaded. Sweden struggle with the dilemma between maintaining neutrality and a dependence on the West. This paper is a comparative literature study based on a government inquiry and independent researchers. This paper aims to illustrate how the gray area in this very complex security dilemma can be interpreted. The main questions are these: What are the similarities and differences between scientists and SOU 1994:11 in terms of their approach and conclusions? How can one understand and interpret the border area between the flight preparation and non-alignment? With the help of the theoretical models "deterrence and confidence-building measurements" and "integration and independent" this papers illustrates the balancing act that Sweden had to accomplish in order to stay out of conflicts in the Cold War.

Aiming to facilitate the description and evaluation of rhetorical responses to security issues, a framework was developed for comparative analysis of oral and written presentations. The framework was applied on three speeches held by the Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson and three speeches by the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin in the wake of the terrorist attacks on World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11 and the subsequent military operation in Afghanistan. The framework was based on four narrative structures, referred to as images. The image of aggression was used to describe the speaker’s interpretation of a dramatic event, the image of threat to describe his consideration of the security threat and the image of securitisation to analyse solutions suggested in relation to the threat. The image of communication, finally, was used to describe relations between the speaker and his audience appearing in the speeches. Each image included an actor, an act or event, a referent object to the act and time and space. The images were analysed as discrete parts and also by an integrating approach. In the analysis, descriptions of the images were related to rhetorical tools, including logos, pathos, ethos, identification, vividness and agency. The analyses revealed similarities and dissimilarities between the two speakers. As for similarities, Persson and Putin used similar topoi. Persson used democracy – terrorism whereas Putin preferred civilisation – terrorism/barbarism, and both used cooperation. To both speakers, the images of aggression and threat tended to appeal to pathos and identification, and the image of securitisation and communication to logos and ethos. As for dissimilarities, Persson relied on the UN whereas Putin offered direct help to the US operation. In Persson’s speeches, the predominant topos was cooperation, in Putin’s civilisation – terrorism/barbarism. Persson focused on democratic values, Putin on the fight against terrorism. Persson’s images were more elaborated and vivid, Putin’s more moderate. These dissimilarities were tentatively explained by the two speakers’ different individual styles and domestic situations and, most important, by the speakers’ different agency on the international arena. In essence, the present framework, based on four discrete images, was found to be well-suited for cross-cultural analysis of rhetorical responses to security issues. The similarities exceeded the dissimilarities, which led to the conclusion that rhetoric of security politics may be defined as a discrete rhetorical genre. A bi-polar world view pervaded the rhetoric, preventing long-term solutions to security issues. Instead a focus on cooperation topoi, nuanced information, and the means and ends of securitisation was suggested.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine marked the end of a period of peace on the Europeancontinent and as it constituted a significant shift in the geopolitical environment thisevent likely influenced the actions and worldview of important actors in the region suchas the EU. The aim of this essay is thus to examine to what extent the Russian invasionof Ukraine caused a shift in EU’s defence- and security politics as well as their view oninternational relations. In an attempt to answer this question a qualitative analysis oftwo of the Unions strategic documents, the EU Global Strategy from 2016 and theStrategic Compass from 2022, was conducted. By utilizing ideal types of the theoriesliberal internationalism, realism, social constructivism and the Copenhagen School’swidened security agenda the analysis found that there has been a shift in the ideasunderpinning EU’s security politics from liberal internationalism towards more realismand that the military and economic sector had been successfully securitized. In otherwords, the EU's defence- and security politics shifted after the Russian invasion ofUkraine towards a bigger focus on military capabilities and towards a view of the worldas a more threatening and competitive place.

La principal causa del aumento de ataques informáticos de tipo criptoransomware a empresas en los últimos 4 años es el limitado conocimiento que tienen sobre su nivel de protección. Este proyecto de investigación propone un modelo de capacidades de ciberseguridad para el diseño de contramedidas frente ataques de criptoransomware utilizando el Marco de Trabajo de Ciberseguridad (CSF) del Instituto Nacional de Estándares y Tecnología (NIST) el cual garantiza cubrir las funciones que acarrea la materialización de un ataque informático. El modelo se basa en la selección de los 20 controles de ciberseguridad más importantes relacionados a criptoransomware obtenidos del estándar 800-53 de NIST y del análisis de 25 casos de infección obtenidos de reportes de seguridad y de artículos académicos. Además, utilizando un modelo de madurez recomendado por COBIT y el CSF del NIST, se logra identificar la madurez actual de las organizaciones con respecto a los controles y se brindan recomendaciones para la implementación y la mejora de contramedidas. También, se propone un plan de continuidad para garantizar la eficacia, automatización y escalabilidad del modelo. Por último, un caso de estudio del modelo muestra que la propuesta es viable en términos de efectividad y escalabilidad. / The main cause of the increase in crypto-ransomware attacks on companies in the last 4 years is the limited knowledge they have about their level of protection. This research project proposes a model of cybersecurity capabilities for the design of countermeasures against crypto-ransomware attacks using the Cybersecurity Framework (CSF) of the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), which guarantees to cover the functions that the materialization of a computer attack entails. The model is based on the selection of the 20 most important cybersecurity controls related to crypto-ransomware obtained from the NIST 800-53 standard and the analysis of 25 cases of infection obtained from security reports and academic articles. In addition, using a maturity model recommended by COBIT and the NIST CSF, it is possible to identify the current maturity of organizations related to controls and provide recommendations for the implementation and improvement of countermeasures. Also, a continuity plan is proposed to guarantee the efficiency, automation and scalability of the model. Finally, a case study of the model shows that the proposal is viable in terms of effectiveness and scalability. / Trabajo de investigación