In this dissertation, I examine the internal divisions in LGBT/Q communities. I illustrate how the notion of a single, unified community is not only fictive, but counter to the goals of liberation. Utilizing critical discourse analysis, I examine cultural artifacts of the contemporary gay rights movement to determine who has the power to shape domestic and international gay rights discourse. I analyze the role of gay citizenship through the same-sex marriage debates, the creation of the homonational soldier, and how gay rights is employed in international conflicts to strategically promote some countries as progressive, while denouncing others as backwards. I argue that the gay rights movement does not address the needs of all members of LGBT/Q communities, but rather, focuses on the wants of the elite and privileged. Despite recent advances, the gay rights movement has been stunted by a limited and marginalizing focus on normalization. Lastly, I present a queer perspective on gay rights and reimagine a movement that is more courageous and inclusive.

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What forms of resistance are gay men in France and North America enacting against heteronormativity and homophobia? And why are they enacting these particular forms of resistance? To answer these questions, this thesis aims to draw connections between gay men's resistance strategies and larger socio-political phenomena in both France and North American cultures. First I focus on the discursive construction of citizens, both heterosexual and homosexual, in order to illustrate how gay men are relegated to second-class citizenship based on their sexual identities and practices. My focus, here, is cultural citizenship and sexual citizenship, two themes that run throughout this thesis. Next, I use Foucault's theories of knowledge-power to reveal how power relations in society discursively create subject positions, such as 'homosexuals' and 'heterosexuals', utilizing structures of control, norms, rewards, and punishments in order to champion heterosexuality to the detriment of homosexuality. In order to contest exercises of power, gay men engage in acts of resistance. i examine scholarly debates centered on resistance, and create a list of criterion for overt resistance, which I dub A AVOIR Resistance on account that it includes the characteristics of Action, Alternatives, Visibility, Opposition, Intent, and Recognition. Utilizing my rubric for overt resistance, as well as Foucault's notions of power, I analyze interview transcripts from a sample of gay men in North America and France to reveal that some gay men, living outside of large metropolitan areas, are rejecting hegemonic ideals of 'gayness' and integrating into mainstream heteronormative society. These men are creating what I call 'authentic communities' where many individuals from various backgrounds and lifestyles live together harmoniously based primarily on access to resources rather than identity markers such as sexual identity. this research shows a split between the ways that urban and suburban gay men embody their homosexuality. Since research on gay men focuses on those living in urban areas, my research calls, instead, for focus on suburban gay men and their resistance to homo-normative ideologies of what it means to me gay. / text

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In this thesis, I seek to answer the question of what constitutes a tenable form of sexual citizenship for lesbian-, bisexual- and gay citizens by deploying two models of citizenship which have permeated scholarly and public discourse: the “liberal” and the “republican” model. This is done in conjunction with critical engagement with two political philosophers, and their conceptualization of citizenship. They are (1) The capabilities approach by Martha Nussbaum and (2) cosmopolitan federalism as presented by Seyla Benhabib. This thesis uses three primary questions: (1) On what basis are members of the polity chosen? (2) On what basis are the members of the polity able to participate politically? (3) How does the conceptualized model of citizenship account for social- and civil rights pertaining to sexual difference? These questions furthermore establish the basis for the analysis of the models.  In order to assess the answers that the different model provide, this thesis utilizes two analytic variables articulated in terms of lack of rights and disenfranchisement which will throughout this thesis act as underpinnings. These variables are predicated on reflecting two mechanisms of exclusions of lesbigay citizens, the claim being that the rejoinders to them are used to assess and constitute to a tenable sexual citizenship.

In the subject of prostitution there has been a growing trend towards a sex work discourse, where the selling of sex and sexual services is regarded as a form of emotional and erotic labor. The discourse emerged in response to the self-organization of sex workers into labor unions and citizenship rights groups. In Argentina the first steps towards self-representation of sex workers’ interests were taken in the early 1990s. Gradually the sex workers’ social movement has grown into the labor union Ammar (La Asociación de Mujeres Meretrices de Argentina), which actively seeks recognition for sex workers’ economic rights, labor rights and social rights. Although the selling and buying of sexual services has been legal since the early 20th century prostitutes’ rights have been suppressed hitherto. In 2008 Argentina enacted the United Nation’s Convention to combat human trafficking, Palermo Protocol, as federal law 26.364. The law re-enforced the state’s abolitionist policies towards prostitution, which consequently further marginalized the sex workers’ plight. Connecting their services with human trafficking schemes heightened the social stigmatization of sex workers. To contest the institutional violence and social discrimination Ammar presented a law proposal in 2013. The reform asks the state of Argentina to recognize sex work as a legitimate form of labor, thus insuring the sex workers’ labor and social rights. This paper contributes to the aforementioned sex work discourse by analyzing the self-agency of Argentine sex workers. Based on qualitative fieldwork studies I conducted in 2014 in Argentina and employing a feminist methodology my object is to study how sex workers’ counter hegemonic movement redefines their citizenship. To construct a theoretical framework for the case study I will utilize Giorgio Agamben’s paradigm of ‘state of exception’ and compliment Agamben’s shortcomings by advancing feminist- and queer theories, which have radically revaluated the concept of citizenship. The conclusion is that, even though Argentinian sex workers’ requirement for equal rights may be embryonic, it addresses an urgent inclusion of different kinds of sexualities and gender balances to the citizenship discourse. / En el tema de la prostitución, es cada vez más importante la tendencia hacia un discurso sobre el trabajo sexual, donde la venta de sexo y servicios sexuales  se consiederan como una forma de trabajo erótico y emocional. El discurso emergió como consecuencia de la organización de las trabajadoras sexuales dentro de sindicatos y grupos de derechos ciudadanos. En Argentina, los primeros pasos hacia la representación de los intereses de las trabajadoras sexuales, fueron a principios de la década de los 90. Gradualmente, el movimiento social de las trabajadoras sexuales ha crecido dentro del sindicato Ammar (Asociación de Mujereres Meretrices de Argentina) que activamente busca reconocimiento por los derechos económicos, laborales y sociales de las trabajadoras. Aunque la compra-venta de servicios sexuales es legal desde principios del siglo XX, los derechos de las prostitutas han sido reprimidos hasta ahora. En 2010, Argentina promulgó el Protocolo Palermo, como ley federal 26.364, en la Convención de las Naciones Unidas, para combatir el tráfico de humanos. La ley reafirmó las políticas encaminadas a la abolición de la prostitución, que sistemáticamente marginalizó la mala situación del colectivo. Relacionar sus servicios con el contexto del tráfico humano ha agudizado la estigmatización social de las trabajadoras sexuales. Para luchar contra la violencia institucional y la discriminación social, Ammar presentó un proyecto de ley el 2013. La reforma pide al Estado de Argentina que reconozca el trabajo sexual como una forma legítima de trabajo, asegurando así, los derechos laborales y sociales de las trabajadoras sexuales. Esta tesis contribuye al discurso mencionado anteriormente sobre el trabajo sexual, analizando la agnecia de las trabajadoras sexuales argentinas. Basado en estudios de campo cualitativos, llevado a cabo en 2014 en Argentina y utilizando metodología cualitativa y feminista, mi objetivo es estudiar como el movimiento contra-cultural de las trabajadoras sexuales redefine su ciudadanía. Para construir un marco teórico para el caso de estudio, voy a utilizar el paradigma de Giorgio Agamben sobre el “estado de excepción” y complementar sus aportaciones con teoría feminista, que ha reevaluado radicalmente el concepto de ciudadanía. La conclusión es que, aunque los requerimientos de las trabajadoras sexuales argentinas para la igualdad de derechos pueden ser incipientes, reclaman la urgente inclusión de diferentes tipos de sexualidad y articulación de género al discurso de ciudadanía.

A presente tese tem por tema a pioneira jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça do Rio Grande do Sul, relativamente às demandas por reconhecimento de efeitos jurídicos às uniões entre pessoas do mesmo sexo, compreendidas essas demandas como uma luta pela implementação da cidadania sexual, cujo obstáculo político principal na América Latina tem sido a resistência de setores conservadores do campo religioso. Partindo dessa premissa, a qual está evidenciada na literatura, o objeto da pesquisa focou a questão da influência religiosa no enfrentamento jurídico de questões ligadas à cidadania sexual. No intuito de pensar as causas das diferentes interpretações judiciais que conduzem ao reconhecimento (ou não) das uniões gays, foram analisadas decisões do TJRS e entrevistas realizadas com os magistrados que atuam na área do Direito de Família. O estudo buscou identificar as concepções dos magistrados sobre conjugalidade gay, religião e família, tentando identificar as categorias de pensamento que são acionadas pelos magistrados no momento de decidir. Um dos principais achados da pesquisa foi identificar a vinculação entre a rejeição à conjugalidade gay e o emprego de categorias de classificação ligadas à moral sexual cristã manifesta na valoração negativa da homossexualidade. Tal valoração aparece como fundamento subjacente aos argumentos formalmente empregados para justificar um tratamento desigual a gays e lésbicas. / The pioneering jurisprudence of the Rio Grande do Sul Court is analyzed regarding the recognition of juridical consequences of same sex unions. The legal claim for same sex marriage is here understood as part of a pledge for sexual citizenship. The main obstacle for such sexual rights in Latin America has been the resistance of conservative religious sectors. This thesis focuses on examining the religious influence of legal and juridical decisions regarding sexual citizenship. In order to analyze the factors related to the diversity of judicial interpretations leading the recognition (or not) of same sex marriage, we collected and analyzed documents consisting of the Court decisions, as well as interviewed in depth judges who work in Family Courts. The judges’ ideas of gay conjugality, religion and family were studied as to understand the concepts and categories they use when they take decisions on legal matters. One of the main findings of our research is a negative relation between gay marriage and the use of Christian concepts and categories regarding sexual morality – the use of religious categories which place a negative value on homosexuality. The negative value of homosexuality underlies arguments formally used in legal decisions that justify treating differently gays and lesbians.

A presente tese tem por tema a pioneira jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça do Rio Grande do Sul, relativamente às demandas por reconhecimento de efeitos jurídicos às uniões entre pessoas do mesmo sexo, compreendidas essas demandas como uma luta pela implementação da cidadania sexual, cujo obstáculo político principal na América Latina tem sido a resistência de setores conservadores do campo religioso. Partindo dessa premissa, a qual está evidenciada na literatura, o objeto da pesquisa focou a questão da influência religiosa no enfrentamento jurídico de questões ligadas à cidadania sexual. No intuito de pensar as causas das diferentes interpretações judiciais que conduzem ao reconhecimento (ou não) das uniões gays, foram analisadas decisões do TJRS e entrevistas realizadas com os magistrados que atuam na área do Direito de Família. O estudo buscou identificar as concepções dos magistrados sobre conjugalidade gay, religião e família, tentando identificar as categorias de pensamento que são acionadas pelos magistrados no momento de decidir. Um dos principais achados da pesquisa foi identificar a vinculação entre a rejeição à conjugalidade gay e o emprego de categorias de classificação ligadas à moral sexual cristã manifesta na valoração negativa da homossexualidade. Tal valoração aparece como fundamento subjacente aos argumentos formalmente empregados para justificar um tratamento desigual a gays e lésbicas. / The pioneering jurisprudence of the Rio Grande do Sul Court is analyzed regarding the recognition of juridical consequences of same sex unions. The legal claim for same sex marriage is here understood as part of a pledge for sexual citizenship. The main obstacle for such sexual rights in Latin America has been the resistance of conservative religious sectors. This thesis focuses on examining the religious influence of legal and juridical decisions regarding sexual citizenship. In order to analyze the factors related to the diversity of judicial interpretations leading the recognition (or not) of same sex marriage, we collected and analyzed documents consisting of the Court decisions, as well as interviewed in depth judges who work in Family Courts. The judges’ ideas of gay conjugality, religion and family were studied as to understand the concepts and categories they use when they take decisions on legal matters. One of the main findings of our research is a negative relation between gay marriage and the use of Christian concepts and categories regarding sexual morality – the use of religious categories which place a negative value on homosexuality. The negative value of homosexuality underlies arguments formally used in legal decisions that justify treating differently gays and lesbians.

A presente tese tem por tema a pioneira jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça do Rio Grande do Sul, relativamente às demandas por reconhecimento de efeitos jurídicos às uniões entre pessoas do mesmo sexo, compreendidas essas demandas como uma luta pela implementação da cidadania sexual, cujo obstáculo político principal na América Latina tem sido a resistência de setores conservadores do campo religioso. Partindo dessa premissa, a qual está evidenciada na literatura, o objeto da pesquisa focou a questão da influência religiosa no enfrentamento jurídico de questões ligadas à cidadania sexual. No intuito de pensar as causas das diferentes interpretações judiciais que conduzem ao reconhecimento (ou não) das uniões gays, foram analisadas decisões do TJRS e entrevistas realizadas com os magistrados que atuam na área do Direito de Família. O estudo buscou identificar as concepções dos magistrados sobre conjugalidade gay, religião e família, tentando identificar as categorias de pensamento que são acionadas pelos magistrados no momento de decidir. Um dos principais achados da pesquisa foi identificar a vinculação entre a rejeição à conjugalidade gay e o emprego de categorias de classificação ligadas à moral sexual cristã manifesta na valoração negativa da homossexualidade. Tal valoração aparece como fundamento subjacente aos argumentos formalmente empregados para justificar um tratamento desigual a gays e lésbicas. / The pioneering jurisprudence of the Rio Grande do Sul Court is analyzed regarding the recognition of juridical consequences of same sex unions. The legal claim for same sex marriage is here understood as part of a pledge for sexual citizenship. The main obstacle for such sexual rights in Latin America has been the resistance of conservative religious sectors. This thesis focuses on examining the religious influence of legal and juridical decisions regarding sexual citizenship. In order to analyze the factors related to the diversity of judicial interpretations leading the recognition (or not) of same sex marriage, we collected and analyzed documents consisting of the Court decisions, as well as interviewed in depth judges who work in Family Courts. The judges’ ideas of gay conjugality, religion and family were studied as to understand the concepts and categories they use when they take decisions on legal matters. One of the main findings of our research is a negative relation between gay marriage and the use of Christian concepts and categories regarding sexual morality – the use of religious categories which place a negative value on homosexuality. The negative value of homosexuality underlies arguments formally used in legal decisions that justify treating differently gays and lesbians.