Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

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East Tennessee, though historically regarded as a Unionist monolith, was politically and ideologically divided during the Civil War. The entrance of the East Tennessee and Virginia and East Tennessee and Georgia railroads connected the economically isolated region to Virginia and the deep South. This trade network created a southern subculture within East Tennessee. These divisions had deepened and resulted by the Civil War in guerilla warfare throughout the region. East Tennessee's response to the sectional crisis and the Civil War was varied within the region itself. Analyzing railroad records, manuscript collections, census data, and period newspapers demonstrates that three subdivisions existed within East Tennessee - Northeast Tennessee, Knox County, and Southeast Tennessee. These subregions help explain East Tennessee's varied responses to sectional and internal strife. East Tennessee, much like the nation as a whole, was internally divided throughout the Civil War era.

Human Trafficking in Florida is a growing issue that affects individuals and communities on a micro, mezzo, and macro level. Although legislative efforts and changes in agency policies have raised awareness about this problem, limited awareness and research examines awareness of labor trafficking as one form of human trafficking. This exploratory-descriptive study used a convenience sampling technique to explore the perceptions of 45 Bachelors (BSW) and Masters (MSW) level social work students on the prevalence and nature of labor trafficking. The findings from the research show students have a general idea of labor trafficking and believe in equal access to human rights for victims. However, majority of students were unaware of current legislation to aid victims in Florida, and the prevalence of men as victims. Implications from this study show a need for further education within social work policies that aid labor trafficking victims, and a need for additional research to identify specific ways students can learn about human trafficking.

This thesis examines why the south seceded in 1860 as opposed to any other time in the 19th century and what changed the mentalité of the people in the period 1857-1860. The underlying issue in southern politics and the issue of secession was clearly slavery and slavery rested on the economics of cotton. Yet slavery and cotton do not explain why the South seceded in 1860 and not at other times in the preceding seventy years. 1807 saw the outlawing of the international slave trade and 1819 saw Congress pass the Slave Trade Act interdicting the ships involved. In 1828 and 1832 the bitter tariff disputes between northern industrial and southern agricultural interests led to the South Carolina doctrine of “Nullification” but no secession. Neither the 1846 proposed Wilmot Proviso restricting slavery in the new territories nor the immediate post Mexican War disputes over the territorial expansion of slavery caused secession and in every case the South was willing to compromise. The methodology of this work is based on the assumption that words and thoughts are intimately linked and that by measuring changes in frequency of word use, changes in thought can be detected and measured. Evidence for the changing use word frequency was provided by an etymological and article content study of selected daily editions of six newspapers in the three cities. The thesis put forward to explain the change in political attitude is that for the southern cities of Richmond, Charleston and New Orleans, political power and political issues were the most important factors. The rise of the sectional northern Republican Party and fear of its abolitionist principles weighed more heavily than any other factors in altering the psychology of the South. This raised the political dispute over slavery to an issue of secession and potential military conflict.

Some organizations considering tackling racial injustice are engaging in historical accountability processes for past harms. Here, I explore three cases of organizational historical accountability: APA’s public apology and action plan to address its history of perpetuating racism, Georgetown University grappling with its history of slavery, and the land transfer from Yale Union to the Native Arts and Culture Foundation as an act of land re-matriation. Using an exploratory case study approach based on analysis of publicly available documents, 16 interviews with involved stakeholders and 10 interviews with academics and activists, I explore these organizations’ processes of historical accountability, the facilitating factors and challenges these organizations encountered, and the elements stakeholders saw as particularly essential to these projects. These case studies exemplify ways these processes can connect past patterns with present and future dynamics, deconstruct destructive dynamics, reconstruct constructive dynamics, and also maintain existing patterns. These case studies reveal stakeholders often have different aims and lenses for viewing these processes. Given these differences, I propose five orientations for the ways organizations can take on historical accountability projects: perform, reform, repair, dismantle, and realign. These orientations are not mutually exclusive, but may help distinguish different aims, logics, theories of change, and elements that undergird historical accountability projects aimed at racial justice.

This study critically examines the Government of Canada's conceptualization of transnational corporate accountability and exploitative labour in its legislative response to modern slavery in global supply chains. With a primary focus on the government's recently proposed Bill S-216: Modern Slavery Act - which would mandate companies to report on their activities to reduce modern slavery in their supply chains - empirical data is drawn from parliamentary debates about this bill and its earlier iterations as well as a report produced by the House of Commons committee originally charged with studying the issue. Informed by the corporate crime and business management literature as well as a neo-Marxist theoretical lens that employs such concepts as Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony and global capitalism, the dominant views taken up in conversations hosted by the Canadian state are captured using critical discourse analysis. Overall, dominant voices accepted into the federal government's approach reinforce neoliberal assumptions of wealth accumulation, profit maximization, and free-market economies, thereby trusting transnational corporations to self-regulate and use their financial capital to curb the conditions that engender exploitative labour. The findings of this interdisciplinary study reveal that the legislative proposal culminating from the policy-making discourse defers to measures that prioritize the social benefits of corporate social responsibility, which ultimately eclipse the need for criminal sanctions against Canadian corporations with operations that employ modern slavery. This research helps to expose the reproduction of corporate impunity as a result of the inability/unwillingness to address the status quo of global capitalism.

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This thesis focuses on Paul’s view on freedom for believers in the context ofslavery. Paul’s understanding comes through in his metaphorical usage of slavelanguage in 1 Cor 7:20-24. In this thesis, a comparison between the teaching ofPaul and that of the Stoics Seneca, Musonius, and Epictetus will support myinterpretation of Paul’s opinion regarding slavery and freedom. I first explore howPaul and the three Stoics advocate for their understanding of freedom for slaves,and then I compare Paul’s theological interpretation with the moral values of thethree Stoics. There is no doubt that Paul, Seneca, Musonius and Epictetus wereaware of the cruel physical judgments and hardships, which slaves suffered in thecontext of slavery. Though neither Paul nor the three Stoics expressed an intentionto terminate the existing hierarchical social structure and slavery system, they alsodid not ignore the physical judgments and hardships placed upon slaves. Theteachings of Paul, Seneca, Musonius and Epictetus testify that they had a commonwill to end, or at least reduce, the exploitation and dehumanization of slaves. Theircommon interest is to promote the possibility of freedom, equal fairness and kindlytreatments for slaves. Both groups preferred freedom and dignity for human beingsby ignoring the social standards and social identification of the Roman society.However, they emphasized inner freedom rather than the social freedom of the slaves.Aim of thesis: To compare Paul’s attitude to slavery and his metaphoricallanguage of slavery and freedom with that of the Stoic philosophers, Seneca,Epictetus, and Musonius.

Societal demand to enhance individual employability in an increasingly congested postgraduate labour market has led to a boom in unpaid internships in the 21st century. This has produced a continuum of attitudes, from perceiving the unpaid internship as an important career opportunity to perceiving it as exploitative slavery. The present study is a netnography that draws on empirical data from debates taking place on LinkedIn, aiming to explore and understand former and potential interns’ conceptualisations of the unpaid internship phenomenon. It translates Olofsson’s (2013) concept of the ‘educational contract' (an implicit social contract with certain expectations attached) to the phenomenon of the unpaid internship. The findings show that the unpaid internship may be conceptualised as a successful or broken contract, based on both the lived experience, and whether the expected labour market outcomes were delivered. A third theme that emerged was the unsigned contract, whereby individuals who were unable to partake in unpaid internships based on life circumstances and socioeconomic factors perceived the phenomenon ambivalently - as both as a career enhancer and an exploitative practice that reproduces class inequality.