Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the collapse of the Communist bloc, Mongolia has pursued the independent foreign policy with balanced relations attached to the two great neighbors - Russia and China. Meanwhile, the search for a "third neighbor" (the United States, Japan and/or the collective community of democracies) has been seen as the alternative approach to the existing "neighbor-oriented" policy. The thesis argues that both approaches are not mutually exclusive schools of foreign policy, but rather constitute the common approach that is described within this research as "bufferism." To present an alternative vision of the nation's foreign policy orientation, the thesis covers the major schools of international relations and identifies the two major causes of policy: identity (based on constructivism) and interest (based on realism). As a nation, Mongolia faces the identity trilemma and the security dilemma, without much preference given to any of these options during the last decade. Hence appears the nation's ambiguity in identity, security and economic development. The thesis puts the argument that without prioritizing one option, Mongolia faces the risk of degrading into a failing state isolated from the global affairs. Thus, the reconciliation of its identity and interest, as well as of its aspirations must lead to a rational choice of a Sino-centric East Asian policy dimension over any other. / Civilian, Mongolian Ministry of Defense

Alors que la période qui suit la fin de la guerre froide est caractérisée par une restructuration profonde des industries de la défense au niveau mondial, la plupart des études portent sur les mutations à l’œuvre au sein des principaux pays producteurs et de quelques grands pays émergents. Face à cette situation, ce travail doctoral s’intéresse plus spécifiquement au cas des « petits Etats ». La littérature spécialisée tend en effet généralement à considérer qu’après la fin de la course aux armements qui caractérise la période de l’affrontement bipolaire, seules les principales puissances conserveraient la maîtrise de la conception d’armements sophistiqués alors que les Etats aux budgets militaires significativement plus faibles n’auraient d’autre possibilité que d’accepter un rôle de plus grande subordination à travers une modalité principale : l’intégration au sein des chaînes de valeur des principaux producteurs mondiaux en tant que fournisseurs de systèmes, sous-systèmes et composants. Dans ce cadre, la capacité à concevoir des plateformes (véhicule, navire, sous-marin, avion, hélicoptère…) échapperait définitivement aux « petits Etats » et serait le seul apanage des grandes puissances. Partant du constat du maintien de capacités au niveau de la construction de plateformes dans plusieurs « petits Etats » européens, ce travail s’interroge sur les conditions dans lesquelles ces derniers sont parvenus à conserver un tel niveau de compétence industrielle. Organisé autour de quatre études de cas (Suisse, Finlande, Pays-Bas et Suède) dans trois secteurs distincts (terrestre, naval et aéronautique militaire), il cherche à comprendre si ces capacités constituent un héritage du passé tôt ou tard condamné à disparaître, ou si elles s’insèrent dans des stratégies viables et potentiellement transposables à d’autres trajectoires nationales. Pour ce faire, ce travail commence par revenir sur les apports des principales recherches françaises dans le champ de l’économie de la défense, puis il mobilise les travaux de Michael Porter sur le positionnement concurrentiel et sur les déterminants de l’avantage concurrentiel national afin de les appliquer à l’étude des industries militaires des « petits Etats ». / While the period that follows the end of the cold war is still characterized by a deep restructuring of the world defense industries, most of the studies focus on the changes at work within the main producing nations and a few large developing countries. By contrast, this doctoral dissertation focuses more specifically on the situation of the “small states”. Specialized literature tends to suggest that following the arms race that prevailed during the years of bipolar confrontation, only the largest powers would dominate the research and development of sophisticated armaments, while the weaker nations with significantly lower defense budgets would be reduced to playing a minor role through a core modality – their integration within the value chains of the main world producers as suppliers of systems, subsystems and components. In this framework, the ability to design and build platforms (i.e. vehicle, ship, submarine, aircraft, helicopter...) would definitively elude the “small states” and would remain the sole prerogative of the biggest powers. On the basis of the fact that several “small” European states still do have some platform-building capabilities in the military area, this dissertation investigates how the latter succeeded in retaining such a level of industrial competence. Based upon four case studies (Switzerland, Finland, Netherlands and Sweden) in three different sectors (military land, naval and aeronautics), its aim is to understand whether these industrial capabilities do constitute a legacy that will inevitably disappear in the long run, or whether they are integrated within viable strategies that might be succesfully implemented in other national trajectories. To do so, this doctoral work starts by investigating the findings of the main French researches conducted in the field of defense economics, and it subsequently uses the contributions of Michael Porter on competitive positioning and the determinants of the competitive advantage of nations in order to apply them to the study of the military industries of the “small states”.

國際政治向來是由大國主導，傳統觀念中總認為小國必然是逆來順受的一方，也就是說，在國際無政府的狀態下，一個國家的命運將取決於這個國家所擁有的權力資源之多寡與大小，弱肉強食成了國際現實的生存法則。但小國真的如此宿命嗎？我們從新加坡今日的發展及其在國際外交舞台上的表現，看到了最好的反證。 新加坡由於位處太平洋和印度洋之間頻繁的國際航道必經之地，為其贏得「東方直布羅陀」的美譽，加上地扼麻六甲海峽航運線，在戰略及貿易路線上均具有影響區域政治的能力。基此樞紐性的關鍵地位，使新加坡在經濟上得以很自然的發展成為東南亞各國工商之輻輳中心、航運中心及金融中心。 對於這個面積約等於大台北地區，並只有香港一半大小的國家，其所散發出來的光芒，卻令人無法忽視。在新加坡這個蕞爾小國，如果問新加坡人生存發展成功之道是什麼？最常聽見的答案可能就是「務實」這兩個字。因為務實，使新加坡經貿實力在亞洲四小龍常保領先地位；因為務實，使得其國家雖小，但在國際舞台上的聲音卻遠超過其他領土比它大好幾倍的國家。 對於新加坡領導者來說，影響其外交政策制訂最重要的考量就是新加坡的脆弱性。自人民行動黨(People's Action Party，PAP)組黨以來，它一直不認為一個獨立的新加坡可以好好生存下去，畢竟它實在太小，人口也太少，加上缺乏天然資源，根本沒有獨立的條件。因此在被迫與馬來西亞分離後，如何在周遭並不友善的馬來海洋中求生存，是對新加坡領導者智慧最大考驗。 然而，在經過人民行動黨第一代領導者三十多年的帶領下，不僅實現了國家的現代化，更讓新加坡成為小國成功的最佳例子。至今，新加坡已是電子、造船、精密機器製造、光學機器、煉油和電腦零件等高科技發展中心，此外，它也是東南亞金融中心及國際航空、電訊與旅遊會議中心。優越的地理位置使新加坡成為東南亞轉口貿易中心，並同時也是世界最繁忙的海港之一。優秀的人才與技術，讓新加坡的海域鑽油塔建造業直逼美國與日本，名列世界第三，並獲得「東方的休士頓」美譽。 對外關係繫乎一國之安危，對於新興國家更是其命脈之根源與建國歷程中的重要基石。新加坡只是一個蕞爾小國，其所以能在國際舞台上生存甚至特立獨行，必有其獨特之道。而其外交政策運用之成功，也讓這個小國能在接二連三的驚濤駭浪中，從容的發展其繁榮的經濟與解決其社會問題。 雖然李光耀已於1990年退休，交棒給新一代的領導者，但新加坡可以說是在李光耀任內建設完成的。在其任內，李光耀不僅致力於國內經濟的重建，對於國家外交政策更是深謀遠慮，為小國外交立下良好的典範。李光耀為新加坡打下深厚的基礎，也讓新加坡成為第三世界新興國家學習的對象。 新加坡雖小，但其對於生存與發展之強烈企圖心卻是不容忽視。新加坡得以在面對強敵壓境的情況下，藉由對於國際環境變化的體察，靈活地避免本身所遭受的限制，並適時運用內外環境所提供的機會在多次的危機中獲得生存的機會，化不可能為可能，創造出今日的「新加坡奇蹟」。 傳統對於外交政策的研究多半將重心置於大國身上，而傳統上所謂的外交多半只注重依靠軍事手段及政治權謀來達成國家的利益，即所謂的「高政治(high politics)」。但在第二次世界大戰結束後，亞洲、非洲及拉丁美洲殖民地紛紛獲得獨立，新興小國遂如雨後春筍般的成立，加上國際經濟組織的成立，經濟議題逐漸成為國際舞台的重心，也大大降低了軍事的傳統地位，這種發展對於小國尤其有利。 Peter J. Katzenstein在研究西歐小國因應全球市場所採取的策略後，認為這些小國的成功之道在於經濟彈性的平衡(balance of economic flexibility) 與政治穩定(political stability)，新加坡顯然就是依循這種發展模式。由於能充分運用其地理位置的優勢，加上吸引外資投入的強烈誘因，使得新加坡迅速成為區域和國際商業的中間經濟體，成為東南亞及國際性的製造與服務業中心。對於新加坡外交政策之研究，也許理性決策模式(rational decision-making model) 可作為一個有用的模式。 新加坡可以說是研究小國外交相當好的一個對象，在台灣面臨外交困境的時候，我們常問：「小國是否無外交?」由新加坡對外事務的表現中，我們得到了答案。因此本論文也將針對國際關係理論長久以來所忽視的課題-小國外交來作一探討。 本論文將探討李光耀執政時期，對於國家定位、國家發展的理念及對外的政策與觀點，並將分別敘述新加坡對國際政治與區域組織的參與及立場。 李光耀時期新加坡外交政策之研究(1965-1990) 目 錄 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機與目的………………………………………… 2 第二節 研究方法與分析架構…………………………………… 5 第三節 研究範圍………………………………………………… 9 第四節 資料來源與研究限制…………………………………… 10 第二章 影響新加坡外交政策的因素 第一節 國內歷史層面…………………………………………… 12 壹、歷史背景……………………………………………… 12 貳、地理環境……………………………………………… 26 參、人口及社會結構……………………………………… 28 肆、政府因素……………………………………………… 31 伍、經濟因素……………………………………………… 33 第二節 國際環境層面…………………………………………… 44 壹、第二次世界大戰後東南亞國際情勢………………… 44 貳、東南亞區域組織的成立………………………… … 48 第三節 決策者因素…………………………………………… 56 第三章 新加坡外交政策取向與國家角色 第一節 外交政策取向…………………………………………… 68 第二節 國家角色………………………………………………… 80 第四章 新加坡與區域國家的關係 第一節 新加坡與馬來西亞…………………………………… 91 第二節 新加坡與印尼………………………………………… 104 第三節 新加坡對柬埔寨問題的態度……………………… 119 第五章 新加坡與東南亞國家協會的關係………………………132 第六章 新加坡與列強的關係 第一節 新加坡與英國……………………………………………154 第二節 新加坡與美國………………………………………… 162 第三節 新加坡與中共………………………………………… 176 第四節 新加坡與蘇聯……………………………………………197 第七章 結論…………………………………………………… 220 參考書目………………………………………………………… 234 附表 表2-1 人民行動黨選舉得票率(1959-1988)…………… 25 表2-2 新加坡種族人口變化表………………………… 30 表2-3 新加坡對外貿易(1965-1990)…………………… 42 表2-4 新加坡對外貿易出口國(1966-1989)…………… 42 表2-5 新加坡主要進口來源國(1966-1989)………… 43 表2-6 1988年新加坡的十大貿易伙伴………………… 43 表4-1 印尼與新加坡海空軍聯合演習…………………118 表4-2 蘇聯經濟援助越南金額統計表(1976-1975)……123 表5-1 東協五國區域內貿易量佔區域內貿易總額百分比.……… 148 表5-2 東協五國區域內貿易額與占對外貿易總額比重………… 149 表5-3 東協與新加坡的貿易額及佔本國對外貿易總額的比例……149 表6-1 新加坡與英國總貿易額…………………………161 表6-2 美國與東協國家經濟的往來(1990)……………169 表6-3 新加坡與中國大陸貿易概況表(1970-1990)……194 表6-4 東南亞各國人口、獨立年代與中共和前蘇聯建交日期…… 195 表6-5 新加坡主要進口來源國(1984-1990)……………196 表6-6 新加坡出口主要目的地(1984-1990)……………196 表6-7 新加坡與蘇聯之貿易往來………………………218

This study is about the economic diplomacy of Namibia, as a small state, for the period 1990 – 2015. Liberalism, as a theory of International Relations (IR) studies, is the adopted analytical framework. Namibia’s economic diplomacy is anchored in the foreign policy principles enshrined in article 96 of her constitution, which advocate, inter alia, the maintenance of mutual beneficial relations. Namibia, further enacted laws and adopted policies that serve as domestic instruments of economic diplomacy. The stakeholders in Namibia’s economic diplomacy include both state and non-state actors. The study adopts a population of 8 million as the benchmark for small states, plus one of the following characteristics of small states: small size of the territory; low economy and the perception by the government leaders and nationals. Namibia’s bilateral economic diplomacy covers over one hundred countries. Her major trade partners, in terms of export trade and inward investments are Angola, Canada, China, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, South Africa, Switzerland, The United Kingdom and the United States. Bilateral economic diplomacy is further pursued through the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) exports. The Namibian Government pursues multilateral economic diplomacy with the European Union, as part of the Africa Caribbean Pacific states and with regional and international economic and trade organisations such as the Southern Africa Customs Union, the Southern Africa Development Community, the United Nations Conference in Trade and Development and the World Trade Organisation. Namibia also adopts conference diplomacy as a form of multilateral economic diplomacy. The study makes an epistemological contribution to the study of IR, that the world is constructed under the hierarchical order that constrains power-based relations and minimises conflicts in international trade. A minimal trend of pursuing interests is, however, observed. The study further makes an ontological contribution to the study of IR, that the behaviour of state and non-state actors are inclined to cooperation on the continuum of conflict and cooperation. The study concludes that, contrary to the assumptions in small states literature, that small states have limitations of capacity and play an insignificant role in multilateralism, Namibia has skilled negotiators who have led negotiations in regional and international organisations. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

During the spring 2007 Estonia and Russia collided in the biggest international conflict among themselves since the break up of the Soviet Union. The conflict concerned about the issue of Estonia’s removal of a soviet bronze statue from central Tallinn to a garden of honour, due to Estonia thought that the statue represented oppression. Chaos developed in Tallinn with disturbances and plunder. The relations between Estonia and Russia became very strained, as Russia considered the movement of the statue wrong. This thesis has examined how the two parties have handled this international conflict through measure how international they are from an official perspective. An examination has been made to see how well the two nations follow the official perspective in a real case. To be able to measure internationalism, a model by Kjell Goldmann has been used, where the idealistic internationalist should follow a certain pat-tern; outward-looking, universalism, coexistence-orientated, moderate. The re-sult showed that Estonia follows the idealistic international pattern owing to a well developed cooperation and membership in international organizations. While Russia ended up in the opposite side, the non internationalist pattern, due to difficulties with cooperation and too much inward looking approach towards the own country. / Våren 2007 hamnade Estland och Ryssland i den största internationella konflikten sinsemellan sedan sönderfallet av Sovjetunionen. Konflikten handlade om att Estland flyttade en sovjetisk bronsstaty från centrala Tal-linn till en krigskyrkogård, då man tyckte att den symboliserade förtryck. I Tallinn blev det ett kaos med oroligheter och plundring som följd. Relatio-nerna mellan Estland och Ryssland blev mycket ansträngda, då Ryssland an-såg att det var fel av Estland att flytta statyn. Denna uppsats har undersökt hur de båda parterna hanterade denna internationella konflikt genom att först mäta hur internationella de var utifrån ett officiellt perspektiv. För att sedan studera om de handlade i en internationell konflikt utifrån den offici-ella bilden. För att kunna mäta internationalism har en modell av Kjell Goldmann använts, där den idealistiske internationalisten skall vara enligt följande mönster; utåtsträvande, universell, samarbetsorienterad och mode-rat. Resultatet visade att Estland följer det idealistiska internationella mönst-ret tack vare ett mycket utvecklat samarbete och medlemskap i olika inter-nationella organisationer. Medan Ryssland hamnade på motsatt icke idealis-tisk internationalistisk sida på grund av svårigheter för internationella sam-arbeten och för mycket inåtsträvan till det egna landet.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Geopolitical Studies Master's Thesis Unconventional power of small states: a comparative case study of Lithuania and Taiwan (ROC) Abstract: The hypotheses of the leading international relations theories, especially realism, face fundamental criticism for not explaining the behavior of some small states, who lack material power but play an effective and influential role in the international arena. To fill in this oversight, the contemporary discourse of small states challenges the resource-based understandings of power and seeks new avenues to explain how some small states succeed in "punching above their weight." Most recently, Dr. Tom Long (2017) synthesized previous academic researches and proposed that the small state's power can be best understood as originating in three categories: derivative, collective, and particular-intrinsic. This thesis aims to contribute to the argument that small states can possess unconventional power to advance their influence and achieve their national interests. It uses Dr. Tom Long's three categories of unconventional power, as a basis for the comparative case study of Taiwan and Lithuania - two small states that have notoriously challenge the notion of "how a small state should...

States have for a long time participated in international military operations, but their reasons for contributing with military capabilities are varied. This study intends to investigate and demonstrate how military contribution is motivated in the political decision-making process to justify its necessity, and how strategic culture influences the decision. The theoretical framework is extensive, containing several identified sub-beliefs of strategic culture, and factors within a rationalist and constructivist perspective used to capture political motivations. By employing a qualitative content analysis, the empirical material examined contains official documents, such as government propositions, reports, and protocols. The investigated cases are Sweden and Denmark’s military contribution to operations in Kosovo (Operation Allied Force, KFOR) and Mali (MINUSMA, EUTM, Operation Serval/Barkhane/Task Force Takuba). The findings indicate that while both Sweden and Denmark use the full spectrum of political motivations, Sweden emphasizes constructivist motivations, and Denmark rationalist motivations. This is traced to the central discovery that strategic culture within a state, influences how political motivations are portrayed to justify the necessity of contributing to international military operations. Thus, indicating the existence of an intertwined relationship between strategic culture, political motivations in terms of both rationalist and constructivist factors, and contribution of military capabilities.

Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.