Orientador: Patrizia Piozzi / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:04:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Floresta_Leila_D.pdf: 880648 bytes, checksum: 673ad7090afd98f8952d4a538ac0630b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O nosso objeto de análise centra-se num movimento social que cada vez mais ganha reconhecimento e divulgação por ter inovado a luta política revolucionária e cuja capacidade de organização obriga o governo e as classes dirigentes a reconhecer sua presença: o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra. A proposta desse trabalho é buscar investigar a sua atuação em uma área que tanto tem despertado a atenção dos educadores: o setor de educação. Assim, o estudo proposto tem como objetivo geral possibilitar uma reflexão sobre as questões que acabaram sendo o mote para toda a elaboração pedagógica do setor de educação do MST, ou seja, a teoria e a prática que sustentam a ação pedagógica desenvolvida nos acampamentos/ assentamentos, buscando desvelar a sua intencionalidade pedagógica. Acreditamos que o estudo e a reflexão sobre os pressupostos de um projeto que se coloca como alternativo poderá trazer contribuições importantes para a educação na sociedade brasileira contemporânea / Abstract: Our analysis is centered on the social movement called Landless Workers Movement, or MST, which becomes more and more recognized and known because of its innovation in the revolutionary political struggle and whose organization obligates Brazilian government and ruling classes to recognize its presence. In this regard, the proposal of this work is to investigate MST¿s action in a field that draws educators¿ interest very much: education. Its main goal is to enable a reflection on matters that turned out to be the motto to the whole MST¿s educational elaboration ¿the theory and practices which maintain the pedagogical action in settlements¿, by searching to reveal its pedagogical intentionality. We believe this study and reflection on the assumptions of a project presented as alternative can greatly contribute to the education in contemporary Brazilian society / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

This study explores an emancipatory politics of being human by asking what is at stake for a world predicated on the human being as subject. I commence with a critique of modernity and its tenet of human exceptionalism as the logical basis for our separation from social, ecological, and material others. Inextricable from these others, humans, I argue, are assemblages that merit representation as such. I demonstrate this by recruiting two human faculties conventionally considered evidence for both our human exceptionalism, or separation from perceived others, and its correlate of subjectivity: memory and emotion. I then demonstrate how even emotion and memory, as supposed wellsprings of subjectivity, in effect undermine the very premise of it in light of their assemblaged nature. I situate this study in Mauritania, where I investigate the politics and spatialities of slavery and abolition. There, I demonstrate how memories, emotions, and the humans that experience them are both consituents and products of human-environment assemblages. I then reveal both the discursive and material repercussions of remembering, feeling, and representing the world as subjects separate from this world. Finally, I suggest alternative avenues for geographic research in pursuit of a politics of being human beyond the human being as subject.

This research examines the revolution of 2010 in Tunisia due to the paucity of empirical research on the subject and to resolve analytical problems that plague research on similar events. The research is based in both the cultural turn in social movement research and the state constructionist theory of revolutions. The methodology employed is a case study which combines a content analysis of an Al Jazeera news program called Al Hassad Al Maghrebi with data from two public opinion surveys conducted in Tunisia shortly after the revolution, and pre-existing academic research. The findings indicate that Al Jazeera did play a role in increasing mobilization against the Ben Ali regime by broadcasting the spread of protests and regime concessions. This was facilitated by the censorship practices of the Ben Ali regime which caused a popular news channel like Al Jazeera to rely purely on opposition sources for its broadcasts.

It began with the loss of the use of her forearm, then the use of her other arm, and then her legs. Headaches became severe migraines; seizures occurred. Her body wasted away and she became needle-thin. A neurologist, a psychiatrist, her family physician could not determine what was wrong. A local specialist, however, recognized the symptoms as those he had seen in others over several years. Concerned that the symptoms might be related to environmental toxins, he alerted the local health authorities. His concerns and those of his patients were not taken seriously, not, that is, until he and his patients coined a name for the symptoms: Somatic Chemically Induced Dysfunction Syndrome, or SCIDS. What was expected to be simply a name for a set of symptoms suddenly became contested. A social problem was defined, and experts from Agriculture, Health, and the Environment Ministries entered the fray. Unrelated at first, degradation of the local aquifer, death of wildlife, and a noticeable decrease in small mammals in the area had been noted. Questions were raised about the links between the two; between the environment and health. Somatic Chemically Induced Dysfunction Syndrome (SCIDS) suggested a causal link with chemicals, moreover with chemicals in the environment. This raised doubts in people's minds about the responsibility and accountability of government, and the authority of experts and the role of science was thrown into question. A private trouble became a public issue. The ensuing conflict revolved around naming and owning a social problem. Both experts and persons with SCIDS invoked science to make their case. Sides were drawn and the conflict was played out to the wider public through the media. It has been commented that research about illnesses of the environment have a bias towards the stories of the sufferers. This dissertation focuses mainly, though not exclusively, on the stories of the various experts involved. Set within the wider frame of social constructionism, I address the ways in which private troubles become public issues and are defined as a social problem. The frames used in this contest to wrest both ownership and thus management of the problem are investigated. The impact of this on a local social movement is examined. / Arts, Faculty of / Anthropology, Department of / Graduate

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Thesis advisor: Will Attwood-Charles / Immigration policy has undoubtedly taken a forefront spot in the national dialogue in our contemporary political moment. However, there is considerable disagreement among and within political parties about how to address this issue. This paper seeks to better understand the priorities of immigrant rights activists in the U.S. by executing case studies on 11 immigrant rights organizations. I explore which framing strategies each group uses to push for its goals and theorize about how these social movement organizations (SMOs) arrive at the strategic frames that they do. Through discourse analysis and coding of interviews, websites, and other media sources, I conclude that the most relevant factors in determining what frame a group arrives at are its external resource environment and how professionalized the organization is. There is additional evidence to suggest that the political opportunity structure, salience of a previously successful ‘master frame,’ and the age of leaders also affect framing processes. Finally, my data does not suggest that being immigrant-led versus led by non-immigrant ‘allies’ directly affects an SMOs’ framing strategies, but it does affect the external resource environment from which it is able to draw. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: International Studies.

This study investigates how youth activists in Hong Kong make sense of citizenship and practice citizenship by participating in different kinds of social movements. Informed by the work of Faulk (2000) and Isin (2009), citizenship is conceptualised as a framework as well as a practice where the definitions are developed and constructed accordingly. A qualitative method is adopted in this research in which in-depth interviews are conducted with 16 youth activists between 18-29 years old and a thematic analysis is carried out for analysis purposes. The major findings suggest that youth activists, even though they are at the forefront of the citizenship movement, find citizenship to be both a familiar and an alien concept. Nevertheless, participation in social movements raise their concerns about citizenship and has compelled some of them to explore a local identity and strive to develop a Hong Kong citizenship from the bottom up. By taking part in social movements, the youth activists build and accumulate experience in citizenship movements, and create diverse and multiple meanings of citizenship. Three types of citizenship acts are found in this study: responsive acts which are emotionally-driven, confrontational and adversarial. The related practices reproduce a market-oriented and exclusionary type of citizenship. Then there are resilient acts of citizenship which are driven by ideology, and emphasise the importance of connecting citizens in the community to collectively advocate for the realisation of citizenship. These citizenship practices tend to produce an open and inclusive type of citizenship. Finally, there are reinvented acts of citizenship, which emphasise autonomous everyday life practices in the community. These are driven by the reflexive practices that are applied in daily life, which tend to inspire a communitarian type of citizenship. The findings of this study also suggest that the authoritarian-neoliberal regime in Hong Kong has a dominant influence over the construction of citizenship. This has been a major force that dictates the direction of youth activism towards exclusionary practices, downplays equal citizenship and causes solo actions in social movements. This citizenship practice reduces the capacity of youth activism from advancing towards activist citizenship, and leads to speculative citizenship characterised by uncertainty and precarity. Notwithstanding the structural constraints, it is found that alternative practices still exist, and the reflexive capacity of youth activism should not be underestimated. It is argued that different acts of citizenship practiced by different groups of activists are not mutually destructive but rather, feed each another in their controversies and debates, and through communication, thus inspiring alternative acts that erode the dominant conception of citizenship, answer to justice as well as inspire activist citizenship.

The fundamental questions this project aims to answer are 1) how the alt-right engages in storying the sexual, specifically the “homosexual” character 2) the ways that broadly circulating ideas about masculinity shape movement boundary work processes, and 3) the work that this storying is doing for the alt-right in the context of American white patriarchy. Broadly, two characters were storied on r/altright: The Degenerate and the Substandard Ally. First, the Degenerate is a pedophile, a diseased sexual hedonist, and a Jewish-led weapon set on destroying the white race. The image of the Degenerate is produced through the mobilization of anti-Semitic tropes, conservative Christian doctrine, and (pseudo)scientific rhetoric. This narrative presents homosexuality as a contagious risk to all people. The second character, the Substandard Ally, is constructed as a foil to the Degenerate. The Substandard Ally can be a member of the movement because they have no control over their sexuality and are adequately masculine. The strategies used to justify the Substandard Ally’s inclusion in the alt-right are to deploy the (il)logic of the closet and redraw the line between good/bad sex. I argue that the sexual storying of the alt-right ultimately functions to maintain white patriarchy by reinforcing the sexual value system, obscuring the workings of patriarchy by presenting a hybrid hegemonic masculinity, reconceptualizing the “good” sexual citizen, and deploying homonationalist discourses.

Faculty of Social science School of Geography 0214462v wafera@hse.pg.wits.ac.za / This research report is an examination of urban identity in post-apartheid Soweto, using the SECC as a case study. The report examines the emergence of the Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee (SECC), one of a number of post-apartheid social movements in urban areas around South Africa. The SECC have emerged in response to the policy of cost-recovery and cut-offs in the provision of services to poor communities in Johannesburg, and have also managed to tap into a broader discourse of anti-privatisation. While the SECC maintain a political agenda, and are affiliated to a number of overtly political organisations such as the Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF), I argue in this report that the SECC affirm a particular set of post-apartheid identities. This set of identities is constituted within a very particular relationship to place; the SECC emerged and lives in Soweto. Through the everyday activities in the branches of the SECC members of the SECC actively construct themselves and the places in which they live. The report draws on a literature that has considered the emergence of social movements in Latin American and post-colonial cities since the 1980s. This literature argues that social movements contest not only the material conditions but also the cultural and symbolic order of space and the city. The report then considers how the SECC is constituted across different scales. These different scales of movement activity represent a potential tension within the organisation between the leadership and the branches of the SECC. It is in the branches that the SECC exists from day to day, and it is in the branches that a strong sense of place is constructed through the everyday activities of the SECC branch. The report concludes that the everyday practices of the SECC at the scale of the local branches are part of a broader process of remaking place and identity in postapartheid Soweto.

Thesis advisor: Josh Seim / In this thesis, I examine what motivated individuals to join the movement against the expansion of the Line 3 pipeline in Northern Minnesota and to stay in the movement even after the pipeline was successfully expanded in 2021. Drawing from a digital ethnography and semi-structured qualitative interviews with 11 members of the Line 3 movement, I find that individuals joined the Line 3 movement because they had relationships with members of the movement and because they were concerned that the Line 3 pipeline expansion would harm the environment and Indigenous people in Minnesota. Moreover, while many people were disappointed that the movement failed to stop the expansion of the Line 3 pipeline, I find that people stayed in the Line 3 movement even after the pipeline was expanded because they believed the movement was capable of success and because they felt that they needed to monitor and shut down the Line 3 pipeline and other pipelines in the area. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Sociology.