Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une démarche de recherche des principes et mesures permettant de mettre en œuvre efficacement le principe d’égalité en milieu de travail syndiqué au Québec. Adoptant comme guide la sociologie des ordres juridiques complétée et accompagnée par le systémisme luhmannien, nous avons accompli une étude des ordres juridiques qui agissent en ce qui a trait aux aspects juridiques des relations du travail avant de procéder à l’évaluation de la politique publique relative à l’égalité. L’étude est divisée en trois parties. La première est consacrée à une exploration du pluralisme juridique, à la sociologie des ordres juridiques et à la présentation des ordres juridiques du travail. La seconde adopte une perspective historique de l’action syndicale, du droit du travail et de la politique publique relative à l’égalité. La troisième comprend une démarche d’évaluation de cette politique publique et une démarche de construction normative relative aux principes et mesures permettant la mise en œuvre efficace du principe d’égalité. Sur le plan de l’évaluation, nous recourons d’abord à une étude empirique et juridique d’un important dossier de plaintes à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse : le dossier du gel d’échelon salarial dans la convention collective du personnel enseignant des commissions scolaires; nous accomplissons ensuite une revue de la littérature en ce qui a trait à la politique publique relative à l’égalité; nous accomplissons enfin une analyse de ce qu’offrent aux milieux syndiqués les deux principales voies de mise en œuvre de l’égalité, d’une part, le grief et l’arbitrage et d’autre part, la plainte à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse et, le cas échéant, le recours devant le Tribunal des droits de la personne. Sur le plan de la construction normative, nous nous basons sur l’analyse sociologique, historique et évaluative accomplie pour concevoir les éléments de politique nécessaires pour atteindre l’objectif recherché. / This thesis follows on from research into the principles and measures that can be used to apply the principle of equality effectively in unionized workplaces in Québec. Guided by the sociology of legal orders, completed and supported by Luhmann’s systems theory, we carried out a study of the legal orders governing the legal aspects of labour relations, and then assessed public policies concerning equality. The study is divided into three sections. The first section explores legal pluralism and the sociology of legal orders, and presents the legal orders applicable to workplace issues. The second section considers the history of union action, labour law and public policies relating to equality, while the third assesses those public policies and takes a normative construction approach to the principles and measures that can be used to implement the principle of equality effectively. With respect to assessment, we began with an empirical legal study of a major complaint submitted to Québec’s Human Rights Commission, namely the freeze on pay scales in the collective agreement of school board teachers. We then reviewed the literature dealing with public policies relating to equality, and analyzed the benefits for unionized workplaces offered by the two main methods of implementing equality, namely grievances and arbitration on the one hand, and complaints to the Human Rights Commission on the other (with, in the latter case, recourse to the Human Rights Tribunal where necessary). With respect to normative construction, we used a sociological, historical and evaluative analysis as a basis for designing the policy elements required to achieve the goals.

平台的興起改變了傳統消費模式，因此無論是在學術界或是實務界，強調互動的社群商務在近年來都漸漸受到重視。然而，從社群中內容經營者的角度出發探討社群商務經營狀況的相關研究不多；此外，社群商務與網路外部性的連結也相對缺乏，故本研究欲以台灣影響力最大之社群平台Facebook的粉絲專頁為例，探討社群商務「使粉絲變成消費者」的流量變現過程，供未來社群商務經營者參考。 本研究以學者Hagel & Armstrong（1998）提出的會員發展四階段作為研究架構，採個案研究法，選擇「傑利帶路 玩世界」與「I’m 布布媽咪／Chic KimBlake」為個案，透過深度訪談探討選擇個案從內容社群至社群商務的經營過程中，每一階段形成正向網路外部性的關鍵成功因素以及做法，並同時分析不同的訴求類型於粉絲專頁上的影響與效果。 研究結果顯示，在社群商務的整體經營中，人格力、社群力以及產品力為三大關鍵成功因素，並且依序在吸引會員（製造流量）、增加參與（集中流量）、建立忠貞（鎖住流量）三階段扮演關鍵角色，最終實現價值獲取（流量變現）的目的；除此之外，感性的訴求在社群商務前期扮演相對重要的角色，而訴求的有效性與社群商務提供的產品與服務類型並無直接相關。 / The new economics of platform changes traditional purchase process and reconstructs value chain, giving the market new business rules. Thus, social commerce which emphasize interaction between customers and operators has been widely discussed in recent years. Numerous studies focused on customer behavior in social commerce but barely discussed business operation of social commerce from platform operators’ perspectives. As a result, this study is aim at exploring the traffic monetizing process in social commerce operating. This study applies case study method, analytic frame is adopted from the Four Phases to Developing Sustainable Virtual Community of Prof. Hagel and Armstrong published in 1998. “JerryWalker” and “Chic KimBlake” on Facebook fanpage are chosen as the research targets. Start by in-person interview with each targeted cases and supplemented by second-hand sources, inspecting the process from solely content operating to social commerce operating, also analyze key successful factors in each phase; moreover, this study will also discuss different types of appeals’ influence in social commerce. The results of this study shows that “personality”, “community operation” and “product and service” are the three main key factors while building up a successful social commerce. Besides, these three factor correspond to Phase I-generate traffic, Phase- II concentrate traffic, and Phase-III lock in the traffic in order, through this process can monetize community traffic and reach positive network effect. Furthermore, emotional appeals show better effect in social commerce regardless of different kinds of provided product and service.

The present thesis concerns people with Usher syndrome (USH) and their health. People with USH have a congenital hearing loss of various degrees and an eye disease with a progressive course; for some, the balance is also affected. Three clinical groups have been identified 1, 2 and 3, and 13 genes have currently been identified. USH is the most common cause of deafblindness. Clinical knowledge and the limited research that exists have shown that people with deafblindness can experience difficulties in everyday life. Depression, anxiety and social withdrawal have been described. The general aim of the present thesis was to describe the health of people with USH. The empirical material employed was based on an extensive survey in which people with USH answered two questionnaires concerning health, anxiety, depression, social trust, work, health-care, financial situation, and alcohol and drug use. The focus of the present thesis is on general health, physical health and psychological health, social trust and finance. Three studies in the present theses focus on USH1, 2 and 3, respectively; finally, the fourth study provides an in-group comparison of people with USH. The results of studies I and III are compared with a crosssection of the Swedish population. The results revealed poor physical and psychological health, a lack of social trust and a strained financial situation regardless of clinical diagnosis. The discussion stresses the importance of taking a biopsychosocial approach when describing the health of people with USH, in which previous research is lacking. Additional research should focus on the mechanisms at different levels that affect people with USH and their health from a life- course perspective. Furthermore, research should include a salutogenic perspective to explore the resources and strengths of people with USH.

The main argument of this thesis is that research has to take the institutional character of education seriously. Educational institutions carry considerable weight for outcomes of education and their design is a matter of intense political debate. This work focuses in particular on the institution of tracking that has wide-reaching consequences for the structure of education. The thesis consists of an introductory essay, together with three empirical essays. The empirical essays all acknowledge the main argument but study different outcomes and relationships connected to education. Essay I studies how the institutions of political economy and education together affect equality of income and equality of educational opportunity. This essay contributes to the literature by distinguishing the effects of the different institutions of political economy and education, as well as how they interact to affect the two contrasting conceptions of equality. The results reveal that tracking hinders equality of educational opportunity but is also related to better incomes for vocational education graduates in certain institutional settings. Wage bargaining coordination reinforces the more equal educational opportunities of weakly tracked contexts and improves the relative income of vocational graduates in these contexts. Essay II explores how education and tracking affect social trust. It makes two contributions. First, the empirical approach provides strong support for causal inference. Second, it is the first study to consider how tracking affects social trust. The empirical evidence finds no general effect of educational attainment on social trust, but decreasing tracking has a positive effect on social trust for individuals who come from weakly educated backgrounds. Essay III aims to explain cross-country differences in tracking by focusing on the impact of government partisanship. The study contributes to the literature by being the first comparative study to explore how partisan politics may explain differences in tracking and being one of few comparative studies there are on the topic at all. The results show that tracking is strongly related to a dominance of Christian democratic governments, whereas detracking reforms have mainly been carried out by social democratic governments.

Les études françaises sur la citoyenneté en Suède sont généralement centrées sur le niveau national. Or le niveau local des communes, landsting et régions a acquis au cours des dernières décennies une forte légitimité pour la citoyenneté. La citoyenneté sociale est assurée en grande partie par les collectivités locales qui mettent en oeuvre le système redistributif de l’État-providence ; grâce à des institutions relativement vertueuses, en dépit des restrictions financières et de la privatisation de services publics le niveau local fournit des services de qualité qui servent de point d’appui essentiel au sentiment d’appartenance des citoyens et à leur degré de confiance dans la société.Mais la citoyenneté locale est en mutation. Le mythe égalitaire qui avait servi de base au Folkhem est remis en cause par des évolutions politiques, économiques et sociétales créatrices d’inégalités. La « communauté imaginée » qui façonnait le lien entre les citoyens est fragilisée par la montée des inégalités, l'apparition de l'extrême-droite dans le paysage politique ainsi que par les conditions créées par l’immigration et le multiculturalisme.Le citoyen exerce moins sa citoyenneté locale dans le cadre du cercle vertueux traditionnel de la civic literacy que dans celui du political trust ; il adopte des comportements civiques pragmatiques, axés par exemple sur ses choix économiques et sur sa responsabilisation dans le domaine environnemental. Dans cette phase de recomposition de la citoyenneté locale, le débat porte essentiellement sur les défis posés par les inégalités sociales et les inégalités socio-ethniques. Cette étude montre que le niveau local fait sens pour la pratique, l’exercice et la représentation de la citoyenneté suédoise / Studies on citizenship in Sweden carried out in France have mostly focused on the national level. However local government in cities, counties or regions has become highly legitimate to address citizenship over the last decades. Local authorities implement at their level the most part of the redistributive social welfare, hence social citizenship is largely granted by them.However local citizenship is changing. The egalitarian myth that once grounded the "Folkhem" is put under question due to social, economic and political changes that produce inequalities. The "imagined Community" that used to bind citizens is weakened by those rising inequalities but also by the increase of far-right political parties. This community struggles to adapt to this new context.Citizens are less prone to act in the traditional virtuous circle of civic literacy but rather in the context of political Trust. New pragmatic, civic behaviours, based on responsibility for the environment and on economic choices can be observed. In this context, debates tackle essentially challenges sparked by social and ethnical inequalities. This study shows that the local level matters when it comes to the practice and the implementation of citizenship in Sweden

Inter-group social trust is one of the main elements for peacebuilding and, as a common feature of civil wars, Forced Internal Displacement is creating further complexities and challenges for post-war inter-group social trust. However, research revealed that among the internally displaced people, some tend to have a higher level of post-war inter-group trust compared to the other IDP. Surprisingly, an analysis based on this topic revealed that only a small number of studies are focusing on the condition of Internally Displaced People’s post-war intergroup social trust in the long run. This study examines the inter-group social trust of internally displaced people to provide a theoretical explanation for the following question; under what conditions the internally displaced people tend to trust more/less the conflicting party in the post-war context? With an examination of the social psychology research, this thesis argues that under the condition of postwar the IDP who have experienced continuous pre-war inter-group contact the post-war intergroup social trust will be stronger than the IDP who do not have such inter-group contact experience. The reason behind this expectation is the expected effect of inter-group contact on eliminating the prejudices and promoting the ‘collective knowledge’ regarding the war and displacement, thus promoting inter-group trust. This research is collected data from two groups of internally displaced people of Cyprus; IDP displaced from heterogeneous areas and homogenous areas, using the method of qualitative single case analysis. The findings show strong support for the expected causal relationship.

Do the experiences that an immigrant faces in their country of origin affect the political attitudes and behavior when an immigrant is in their country of residence? Although there is a considerable amount of work exploring the political behavior of racial and ethnic minorities, some work on immigrant political behavior, and some work that that connects premigratory experiences with post migration political behavior, there is relatively little work that examines premigratory experiences with autocracy, corruption, and violence and how that affects the political behavior of immigrants. In this project I observe how experiences with corruption, political violence, and conflict has an affect on political trust, political behavior, and social trust among immigrants that have experienced such events.

This project explores the impact of a mobile website (MWS) designed to enhance knowledge and interest in local history among residents of Eberswalde as a sample for an Eastern German post-communist city. It aims to strengthen the sense of regional identity and attachment, potentially affecting their decision to remain in or leave the region. The MWS features digitised old postcards, new images, audio memories, short films, and text about historical locations preceding communism in East Germany. Building on previous research showing that interest and engagement in local history can raise, i.a., individuals 'place attachment', 'local identity', and 'regional pride', the research's theoretical frame joins Stefaniak et al.'s (2017), Twells et al.'s (2018) and Pearson and Plevyak's (2020) research outcomes. It groups them into six spheres of effects (SoEs) and reorders them into six individual personal growth dimensions (IPGDs). While the SoEs represent a researcher's bird's-eye view, the IPGDs aim to understand individuals from a frog's-eye viewpoint. The MWS was developed using WordPress with the Divi Editor. A local choir of approximately 35 members critically accompanied the development process, from naming the domain to creating and initial testing a prototype for a location page, which then served as a template for subsequent locations. Subsequently, the MWS was evaluated on-site by five participating local individuals who were not part of the initial testing by the choir members and had at least one family member who experienced the region under communist rule. They were observed during this process, and audio notes were taken. Approximately one to two weeks later, each participant was interviewed using a retrospective semi-structured interview exploring their experiences and any possible perceptual changes regarding their local history. The results show that despite the temporal and scope limitations of the project, the short engagement with local history via the MWS has enriched participants' attachment to the city. It shows further that the worth of local history in this process lies in that sites and monuments of local history are perceived as accomplishments of the local community. This perception fosters an emotional connection and a sense of pride in being part of the locality. In contrast, the presence of natural beauty, as exemplified by the surroundings of Eberswalde, elicits appreciation. Even though nature, not being a human achievement, is admired by participants, it does not evoke the same emotional expressions or pride in belonging to the location. Both are essential for establishing a lasting bond and participation in the city's public and social life.

Depuis le retour de la démocratie l’Amérique Latine a expérimenté une série de transformations importantes. Les premières, furent économiques et se caractérisent principalement par une grande vague de libéralisation économique qui a signifié entre d’autres choses, un type de changement fluctuant, des réductions des dépenses publiques, ainsi que, la privatisation des entreprises et des services de l’État qui ont fini pour réduire considérablement leur rôle. Les secondes, furent politiques et ont été marquées par l’arrivée des partis de gauche au pouvoir et la mise en œuvre d’une série de politiques sociales visant à réduire la pauvreté et les inégalités, qui ont permis d’améliorer significativement les conditions de vie de millions de Latino-américains. Tous ces changements, en plus de la fréquente alternance entre l’autoritarisme et la démocratie vécue durant les dernières années ont inévitablement eu un effet sur la confiance que les individus ont envers les institutions. Dans ce sens, comment le niveau de confiance institutionnelle en l’Amérique Latine a-t-il évolué au cours des dernières années? Spécifiquement, comment l’alternance au pouvoir des partis de gauche et de droite qui ont gouverné en Amérique Latine durant les derniers trente ans, a-t-il impacté sur les niveaux de confiance que les Latino-américains ont envers leurs institutions? Utilisant un modèle statistique multiniveau longitudinale de mesures répétées, cette recherche a comme premier objectif, de comprendre l’évolution historique du niveau de confiance institutionnelle en Amérique Latine entre 1995 et 2021, à partir de la combinaison des données incluses dans les sondages réalisées par Latinobarómetro, LAPOP et l’Enquête Mondiale des Valeurs (WVS), et comme deuxième objectif, d’estimer l’impact de l’orientation idéologique des individus et des partis au pouvoir sur le niveau de confiance institutionnelle. Les résultats montrent que quand le parti au pouvoir est de gauche, le niveau de confiance moyen envers les institutions est significativement plus élevé. Ils montrent également que la confiance institutionnelle se renforce positivement chez ceux qui déclarent avoir la même orientation que le parti au pouvoir. L’évolution de la confiance institutionnelle dans la région s’explique donc en partie, par l’orientation idéologique des individus et du parti au pouvoir. / Desde el retorno de la democracia América Latina ha experimentado una serie de importantes transformaciones. Las primeras, fueron económicas y se caracterizaron principalmente por una gran ola de liberalización económica que significó, entre otras cosas, un tipo de cambio fluctuante, recortes en el gasto público, la privatización de las empresas y servicios públicos que terminaron por reducir considerablemente el papel del Estado. Las segundas, fueron políticas y estuvieron marcadas por la llegada de los partidos de izquierda al poder y la implementación de una serie de políticas sociales dirigidas a reducir la pobreza y la desigualdad que permitieron mejorar significativamente las condiciones de vida de millones de latinoamericanos. Todas estas experiencias más la frecuente alternancia entre el autoritarismo y la democracia vivida durante los últimos años inevitablemente han ejercido un efecto en la confianza que los individuos tienen sobre las instituciones. En este sentido, ¿Cómo ha evolucionado el nivel de confianza institucional en América Latina los últimos años? Específicamente, ¿Cómo la alternancia en el poder de partidos de izquierda y de derecha que han gobernado en América Latina durante los últimos treinta años, ha impactado en los niveles de confianza que los latinoamericanos tienen de sus instituciones? A través de un modelo estadístico multinivel longitudinal de medidas repetidas, esta investigación tiene como objetivo en primer lugar, comprender la evolución histórica del nivel de confianza institucional en América Latina entre 1995 y 2021, a partir de la combinación de datos incluidos en las encuestas realizadas por Latinobarómetro, LAPOP y la Encuesta Mundial de Valores (WVS), y en segundo lugar, estimar el impacto de la orientación ideológica de los individuos y de los partidos gobernantes sobre el nivel de confianza institucional. Los resultados muestran que cuando el partido gobernante es de izquierda, el nivel de confianza medio hacia las instituciones es significativamente más alto. Por otra parte, muestran que la confianza hacia las instituciones se refuerza positivamente en aquellas personas que declaran tener la misma orientación que el partido gobernante. Por lo tanto, la evolución de la confianza institucional en América Latina se explica en parte, por la orientación ideológica de los individuos y del partido en el poder. / Since the return of democracy, Latin America has experienced a series of important transformations. The first, were economic and were mainly characterized by a big wave of economic liberalization that meant, among other things, a fluctuating exchange rate, curs in public spending, the privatization of public organizations and services that ended up considerably reducing the role of the State. The second, were politics and were marked by the arrival of left-wing parties to power and the implementation of a series of social policies aimed at reducing poverty and inequality that allowed to significantly improved millions of Latin Americans’ life conditions. All those experiences, plus the frequent alternance between authoritarianism and democracy in recent years, have inevitably had an effect on the trust that individuals have in institutions. Therefore, how has the level of institutional trust evolved in Latin America in recent years? Specifically, how has the alternance in power of left and right parties that have governed in Latin America during the last thirty years, had an impact on the levels of trust that Latin Americans have in their institutions? Through a longitudinal multilevel statistical model of repeated measures, this research aims, first, at understanding the historical evolution of the level of institutional trust in Latin America between 1995 and 2021, from the combination of data included in the surveys carried out by Latinobarómetro, LAPOP and the World Values Survey (WVS), and secondly, to estimate the impact of the ideological orientation of individuals and of the ruling parties on the level of institutional trust. The results show that when the ruling party is from the left, the average level of trust towards the institutions is significantly higher. They also show that trust in institutions is positively reinforced in those people who declare that they have the same orientation as the ruling party. Therefore, the evolution of institutional trust in Latin America is explained in part by the ideological orientation of individuals and the party in power.