Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 21, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

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The aristocratic novel in the twentieth century depicts the successes and failures of the aristocracy's efforts to come to terms with the social realities brought about by contemporary egalitarianism. Although several of the novels discussed are written by aristocrats, the aristocratic novel as such refers to novels about the aristocracy as a social grouping. Seven authors are selected to represent fictional treatment of a class in crisis, struggling between decadence and resilience: V. Sackville-West, Evelyn Waugh, Nancy Mitford, Elizabeth Bowen, Molly Keane, L.P. Hartley and Emma Tennant. Sackville-West faces and chronicles the inevitable decay of her class, yet cannot refrain from mourning its gracious past. To her, the manor house symbolizes an ancient idyllic symbiosis between aristocrat and worker. To Evelyn Waugh, the aristocracy embodies the finest achievements of inherited English culture. He regards its decline as the crumbling of Christian civilization itself. Resilience against the rising proletariate lies in faith and a chivalrous other-worldliness associated with the old Catholic aristocracy. Mitford uses comedy to defend the ideals of service and honour which she sees undermined by vulgarity and mercantilism. She resists her opponents with lethal swipes of raillery. Bowen and Keane deal with the decline of the Irish Protestant Ascendancy. The heirs of the ascendancy have to cope with the paralysing bequest of a more vital past. Ironically, resilience lies in breaking with their heritage. Hartley appears to criticize the class structure, but his work reveals a fascination for the captivating myth of patrician life. Tennant, representing an aristocracy which has profited from the resurgence of wealth in Thatcherite Britain, is unsparingly caustic on the condition of her class. Her satiric writing presents an ethical resurgence that goes beyond the mere financial recovery of her society. The genre examined suggests a primal need among urbanized citizens for the myth of an heroic order. In the finest aristocratic novels, admiration for an imitable superior order is used to rally a consciousness of a venerable ethical establishment. What is threatened or lost is not merely wealth and privilege, but aristokratos - government by the best. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

La communauté Lesbienne, Gay, Bisexuelle et Transsexuelle (LGBT) a su devenir incontournable aux États-Unis en très peu de temps. Sur la scène politique, de nombreuses victoires ont transformé la perception des minorités sexuelles qui sont de plus en plus acceptées, ont obtenu le mariage et font partie de la société américaine. Nous nous interrogeons sur les raisons qui ont permis cette évolution si rapide. Nous considérons que c'est le système économique capitaliste qui a favorisé ces changements. La création d'un marché spécifique puis son ouverture au marché mainstream ont transformé le regard porté sur une communauté autrefois ostracisée ou invisible. Nous observons dans ce travail de recherche les bénéfices et les inconvénients d'un activisme par la consommation et les réactions des différents mouvements LGBT et queer qui ont vu le jour au XXe siècle / The Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender community has rapidely become part of american Society. It has won many battles-among them the right to get married-which have changed the way sexual minorities are now seen. Gay culture is everywhere in magazines, in Hollywood, on TV, and we can wonder what were the reasons for such an evolution. We consider that the way the community has understood capitalism enabled those changes. From the creation of a market and its recognition by the mainstream, LGBT people are now consumer activists. We analyse in this PhD dissertation the benefits and setbacks of that activism with regards to the different waves of LGBTQ movements in the twentieh century

O tema deste estudo é a relação entre o Direito Coletivo do Trabalho e o sindicalismo. Caracterizamos a institucionalidade sindical brasileira, seguindo os estudos de Armando Boito Jr., como estrutura sindical de Estado: um sistema de controle do movimento sindical dos trabalhadores pelo Estado capitalista. Rediscutimos as determinações de classe da ideologia que ela encerra: o fetiche do Estado protetor e a ordenação capitalista pelo Estado. Para a discussão do Direito Coletivo atual, parte-se da constatação de que a Constituição de 1988 passou o controle do sindicalismo das mãos do Poder Executivo para o Judiciário. Diante disso, defendemos a tese de que se manteve a função geral de desorganização, moderação e controle do movimento dos trabalhadores. Na dimensão organizativa, a partir de estudos de dois casos concretos, apontamos que a gestão judiciária da estrutura interveio de modo particular, mas para fixar os limites do enquadramento oficial. Na negociação coletiva, entendemos que houve a modificação da função do Poder Normativo, que deixou de garantir reajustes salariais e direitos mínimos, ao passo que manteve seu caráter repressivo e limitador. E quanto ao direito de greve, demonstramos a continuidade da linha jurisprudencial anterior à novidade normativa trazida pela CF/88 na matéria. Nesse percurso, defendemos a coerência entre a crítica do direito em geral e a crítica da estrutura sindical de Estado em particular. / The subject of this research is the relations that exist between the Labor Law System and the workers movement. We treat the Brazilian corporatist labor law system as a system of controlling unions by the capitalist state. The text also discusses the class determinations of the ideology that this system embodies and reproduces: the fetish of a protective State and the ordination of capitalism by the State. The current labor law regime was redesign by the Constitution of 1988. Our thesis start from this point: the charge of the state´s controlling of the unionism was transferred from the Executive to the Judicial Power. However, we claim that the general role of the collective labor system has been preserved: role of disorganization, moderation and controlling the worker´s unionism. First, at the organization matter, we part from two cases which show that judicial management has been successfully on intervening into unionism to fix it in the fragmented official framework. Second, at the collective bargaining sphere, we point that it has been a change on the role of the obligatory judicial arbitration of collective conflicts. It doesn´t function anymore as a way of guaranteeing minimum wages corrections annually, although it has continued to be an instrument to repress strikes and so to impose medium wages increases. At least, about unions power to strike, we say that judicial management of the collective labor system has not take advantage of the legal innovations generated by the redemocratization process, as to say, it kept its traditional jurisprudence. Along this way we advocate the coherence between the struggle for the union freedom and the Marxist´s critique of the law itself.

Purpose: How Chinese people behave toward French Luxury Brands? Method: This paper is built on a deductive approach following three main hypotheses. Secondary datawere retrieved from books, studies and articles found in Halmstad library and several databases.Moreover, primary data were also collected through a questionnaire; which shapes the major lines ofour conclusions. Theoretical Framework: The frame of references follows our three hypotheses. First, the culturaldifferences between France and China are highlighted through concepts such as: Hofestede culturaldimensions, Mezirow’s theory and Guanxi. Then, the Mianzi philosophy and the flying geeseparadigm are used to support the hypothesis that brands could be used as social markers. Finally,several theories about the country-of-origin effect are used to analyse the image of French products in China. Conclusion: The authors conclude that French luxury brands are considered on the Chinese south-eastcoast as a mark of high quality, prestige and fashion. These features partly motivate their purchasingdecision, whereas the country-of-origin itself is not a convincing argument. These brands, usuallyexpensive, are nowadays perceived by Chinese as a way to emphasis their wealth and thus socialstatus. This behaviour shows a growing individualism toward French luxury brands ownership in acountry historically ruled by collectivism. The contributions and further studies possible are finallyestablished at the end of this paper.

A presente pesquisa pretende estudar aspectos da midiatização do consumo e do sentido de classe social na telenovela com foco na representação do que vem sendo considerada a \"nova classe C\" ou \"nova classe média\" brasileira. Para tanto, analisou-se cenas das telenovelas Avenida Brasil (2012), de João Emanuel Carneiro, e Cheias de Charme (2012), de Filipe Miguez e Izabel de Oliveira. Ambas exibidas na Rede Globo, a primeira no horário das 21 horas e a segunda às 19 horas. As duas foram consideradas pela mídia como tramas que representam a \"nova classe C\", o que justifica a escolha. Inicialmente, o trabalho traz uma breve discussão teórica sobre o termo midiatização, sobre as concepções sociológicas de classe social e os estudos realizados sobre telenovela e classe. Pretende-se, assim, problematizar a expressão \"nova classe C\", de modo a entender sua natureza e validade sociológica, bem como levantar a forma como a telenovela costuma retratar as classes sociais, para, assim, rumar às análises com embasamento teórico. A metodologia de análise se fundamenta na concepção marxista de materialismo histórico e dialética, com a qual estão relacionadas as teorias do filósofo da linguagem Mikhail Bakhtin, a Análise do Discurso Francesa e a Análise do Discurso Crítica. Essas teorias tiveram alguns de seus elementos mesclados e utilizadas como protocolo metodológico. A partir do protocolo e dos levantamentos teóricos sobre classes sociais e telenovela, objetiva-se averiguar as nuanças da midiatização do consumo e do sentido de classe social na representação discursiva do que vem sendo chamada a \"nova classe C\" em cenas selecionadas de Avenida Brasil e Cheias de Charme. Com as análises das cenas que retratam situações que aludem ao consumo, obtivemos resultados que apontam para o fato de ambas as telenovelas, em diferentes graus, apresentarem em seus discursos características que condizem com o modo próprio da telenovela tratar as classes sociais, assim como elementos que se relacionam com uma visão social hegemônica, além de aspectos que estão conectados com a realidade comentada pelos sociólogos e que também indicam mudanças na forma usual das telenovelas retratarem as diferenças sociais. Ademais, de acordo com o conceito de midiatização e com o papel da telenovela no Brasil, acreditamos que essas representações contribuem para a formação de um conhecimento social do que seria a \"nova classe C\" brasileira. / This search aims to study aspects of the mediatization of consumption and the sense of social class in telenovela, with focus on what is dubbed \"the new class C\" or \"new middle class\" in Brazil. For that purpose, it was analyzed scenes of the telenovelas Avenida Brasil (2012), by João Emanuel Carneiro, and Cheias de Charme (2012), by Filipe Miguez and Izabel de Oliveira. Both were aired in Rede Globo, at 9pm. and 7pm., respectively. These two productions were considered by the media as representative of the \"new class C\", which justifies the choice. Initially, this work brings a brief theoretical discussion about the mediatization concept, about the sociologic concept of social class and the studies which cover telenovela and social class altogether. It is intended, therefore, to problematize the expression \"new class C\", in order to understand its origin and sociologic nature, as well as to look at the manner by which the telenovela usually portrays the social classes, so as to produce an analysis which has theoretical base. The methodology to analyze the matter is based on the Marxist conception of dialectic and in the historical materialism, which are related to the theories of the Russian language philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin, the French Discourse Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis. These theories had some of their elements combined and used as methodological protocol. From methodological protocol and from the theoretical points about social classes and telenovelas, the objective is to investigate the nuances of the mediatization of consumption and the sense of social class in the discursive representations of the dubbed \"new class C\" in scenes picked from Avenida Brasil and Cheias de Charme. Based on the analysis of scenes that portray situations that allude to consumption, we obtained results which demonstrate that both telenovelas, yet in different degrees, reveal in their plots characteristics that connect with the particular view with which the telenovela approaches the social classes, as well as with elements that are related with the hegemonic social view, apart from aspects that are connected with the reality commented by sociologists and which indicates changes in the usual way that the telenovela portrays the social differences. Moreover, according to the concept of mediatization as well as to the role of telenovela in Brazil, we believe that those representations contribute to the making of a social knowledge of what the new Brazilian \"new class C\" would be.

Orientador: Armando Boito Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T04:20:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_NathaliaCristina_M.pdf: 2448436 bytes, checksum: 242f98c36dca30e5319087b660ae4780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Propusemo-nos a realizar um estudo empírico exploratório sobre os movimentos dos sem-teto da Grande de São Paulo. Estamos falando aqui da luta de pessoas que não têm moradia digna e que por isso se organizam em movimentos sociais urbanos e realizam ocupações em imóveis vazios no centro da cidade ou em grandes terrenos periféricos vagos que servem à especulação imobiliária. Para que nossa pesquisa se tornasse viável, optamos por analisar três dos principais movimentos dos sem-teto da Grande São Paulo, a saber, Movimento Sem-Teto do Centro (MSTC) e Movimento de Moradia do Centro (MMC) - que atuam no centro da metrópole - e o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST), que atua na periferia e na divisa das cidades que compõem a Região Metropolitana de São Paulo. O texto foi estruturado de modo que pudéssemos responder a duas questões: Quem são os sem-teto? E Por que são sem-teto? Para a resposta da primeira questão, descrevemos os três movimentos dos sem-teto citados de maneira que facilitasse o estabelecimento de uma comparação entre eles, demonstrando suas semelhanças e diferenças. Dentre os aspectos descritos e comparados, enfatizamos as diferenças existentes nas reivindicações e orientações políticas e ideológicas dos movimentos dos sem-teto e a semelhança existente em suas bases sociais. Analisamos ainda a estrutura organizativa e métodos de luta dos três movimentos citados, assim como suas trajetórias históricas (nascimento e evolução). A resposta da segunda questão se concentrou na idéia de que a existência dos sem teto se deve a uma confluência de fatores os quais estão relacionados à essência do modo de produção capitalista e a ineficiência das políticas habitacionais brasileiras / Abstract: Our proposal was to produce an exploratory empirical research about homeless movements of Grande São Paulo. We are talking about people who do not have proper home. They have organized urban social movements occupying vacant buildings placed in downtown or big lands in the suburbs of the cities - places that work to the housing speculation. We have focused three homeless movements from Grande São Paulo in our analysis: Movimento Sem-Teto do Centro (MSTC), Movimento de Moradia do Centro (MMC) and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto (MTST). This text was written to answer two questions: Who are the homeless? Why they are homeless? To the first question, we have described the three homeless movements to do a comparison among them, showing their similarities and differences. In the midst of the described and compared aspects, we have been emphasized the differences existents in the demands and political-ideological orientations from homeless movements and the similarity existent among their social bases. We also analyzed the homeless movements' organization and method of fighting and their historical trajectories (birth and evolution). The answer of second question is that the homeless' existence is due many factors that are linked with the essence of capitalist mode of production and the inefficiency the Brazilians housing policies / Mestrado / Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Ana Lucia Goulart de Faria / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T21:50:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bufalo_JoseaneMariaParice_D.pdf: 4161341 bytes, checksum: b2f2615ff7cce4052421c3d1d2563602 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O objetivo central da presente pesquisa é a análise de como está sendo construída a profissão docente de creche no seio dos movimentos de resistências culturais, uma vez que a concepção de docência, ora focalizada, vai além do trabalho desenvolvido junto aos meninos e meninas de 0 a 3 anos. Ou seja, a complexidade da formação político-cultural das docentes, é contemplada nesta análise, via escolha do objeto Sindicato dos Trabalhadores no Serviço Público Municipal de Campinas, tratado como um espaço educativo mais amplo, pleno de tensões e de lutas, em que se afirma o conceito de classes sociais. Para tal focalizo, nesta pesquisa, os documentos deste Sindicato, no período de 1988 a 2001, os quais, em sua maioria, foram encontrados na própria entidade. Além destes, compõem a pesquisa, três revistas da área da educação e um caderno de poesias, ambos também publicados pelo Sindicato e hoje encontráveis em meu acervo pessoal. Elegi estas fontes primárias já que foram produzidas diretamente pelos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras, do serviço público municipal de Campinas. Nesta pesquisa concebo as docentes de creche como produtoras de culturas, como sujeitos da história que se constroem nas relações de trabalho, de gênero, de idades, de etnias. Neste sentido, as analiso como pertencentes a uma classe social. Ao mesmo tempo, situo historicamente o Sindicato, focalizando-o através dos tempos em sua composição e organização, destacando nas análises as relações de gênero e a educação infantil. Inicio a tese com uma carta, na qual trago à tona experiências por mim vividas, como docente de creche. Com o objetivo também de contemplar as vozes de outras colegas, docentes de creche, isto é, as monitoras, optei por dar início a cada capítulo com uma ata redigida por elas próprias, a qual, por sua vez, foi destacada dentre os documentos do Sindicato. Na abertura de cada capítulo registro, ainda, uma poesia de autoria de trabalhadoras do serviço público municipal, na tentativa de enriquecer as tessituras analíticas apresentadas. Sendo assim no primeiro capítulo abordo a entidade sindical como um espaço de luta e resistência dos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras, bem como discuto a situação de classe social das docentes de creche. Na seqüência, no segundo capítulo enfoco o conceito de docência em creche, através da bibliografia na área. No último e terceiro capítulo contextualizo o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores no Serviço Público Municipal de Campinas, tendo como eixo as relações de gênero e a educação infantil nas pautas de lutas da entidade. Finalizo a tese com uma outra carta, na qual abordo a arte de aprimorar-me como docente de creche, no diálogo com as experiências de pesquisa vividas no doutorado. Destaco, finalmente, que descobri, nesta pesquisa, que na trajetória das reivindicações desta categoria, nem só o salário estava presente nas respectivas pautas, e, sim, encontram-se tantas outras reivindicações, tais como a exigência de melhoria da formação docente, mostrando, assim, que nem só de salário vivem as docentes de creche. / Abstract: The central objective of the present research is the analysis of how the daycare center teaching profession has been formed in the middle of cultural resistance movements, taking into account that the teaching concept, sometimes in focus, is much more than the developed work with the young boys and girls from zero to three years old. In other words, the complex teaching political-cultural formation is contemplated in this analysis, through the chosen object Employees Trade Union in the Municipal Civil Service from Campinas, São Paulo, Brasil, which has been seen as a broader educational place, full of struggles and strains, in which the concept of the social classes has been formed. Searching this objective, I focus on this research, the documents of this Trade Union, from the period 1988 to 2001, which ones, most of them were found in the own institution. Besides these ones, three educational magazines and a poetry notebook has been part of this research, both were also published by the Trade Union and they can be found in my personal library. I have chosen these primary sources because they were produced directly by the women and men employees in the Municipal Civil Service from Campinas, São Paulo, Brasil. In this research, I conceive the daycare centre female teachers as culture formers, as historical subjects which have been formed on the working relationships- social classes, gender relationships, ages and ethnic relationships. In this sense, I analyze them as part of a social class. At the same time, I analyze the Trade Union history, through the focus on the times in its structure and organization, putting in first place the analysis on the gender relationships and the early childhood education. I begin the thesis with a letter, in which I bring back experiences lived by me, as a daycare center teacher. I have chosen, at the beginning of each chapter a minute written by the researched teachers, with the objective of contemplating their participation. These written minutes had a special place in the Trade Union documents. At the beginning of each chapter, I also register a poetry written by the municipal women civil servants, as a way of becoming the theoretical presented analysis richer. In the first chapter, I emphasize the Trade Union Institution as a place of the employees struggle and resistance and I also discuss the social class situation of the daycare center female teachers. Then, in the second chapter I focus on the concept of teaching in daycare center, through the bibliography in this area. In the third and last chapter I put into context the Employees Trade Union in the Municipal Civil Service from Campinas, having as the main subject the gender relationship and the early childhood education on the agenda in the institution struggles. I conclude this thesis with another letter, in which I focus the art of improve myself as a daycare center teacher, in the analysis of the research experiences lived in Doctorate. I finally emphasize that I discovered, in this research, that among the demands of these employees, not only the salary was present on the respective agenda, but also, there are so many different demands, such as a better teaching formation, showing us that daycare center female teachers survive not only by their wage. / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Doutor em Educação