Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Augusto Ribeiro Ferreira.pdf: 1312319 bytes, checksum: fa7b9ca3e3ebe9c2819fd5bd348f8714 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-30 / This paper analyzes the conciliations and agreements homologated in the Labor Court, in the first instance, in the forty lower labor courts of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. It was taken into consideration the historical and political aspects of the aforesaid conciliations and agreements in order to ascertain whether they provide effective justice to the parties involved in the process. The study discusses the ques-tion of the law in the capitalist society and of the State as an instrument for imple-menting this law, seeking to reconcile the contending classes. It was also discussed the parameters of the waiver and of the transaction in the labor sphere and whether these procedures are used to achieve an agreement in the labor field faced with the economic coercion suffered by a worker at the end of the employment relationship. It was concluded that, in most cases, the agreement is more favorable to capital. At last, it was noted that, although paradoxically, the Labor Court may still be an im-portant tool for protecting the workers rights, as long as there is advance of the work-ing class driven by the collective intervention of the labor unions movement, even in the context of the capitalist State and of the legal ideology inherent to it / Este trabalho analisa as conciliações e acordos homologados na Justiça do Trabalho, em primeira instância, nas quarenta varas do trabalho de Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. Levou-se em consideração o aspecto histórico e político das referidas conciliações e acordos com o propósito de averiguar se eles proporcionam efetiva justiça às partes envolvidas no processo. O estudo discute a questão do direito na sociedade capitalista e do Estado como instrumento de aplicação desse direito, buscando a conciliação das classes em luta. Discutiram-se, também, os parâmetros da renúncia e da transação na esfera trabalhista e se esses procedimentos são utilizados para a concretização de acordos no campo trabalhista diante da coerção econômica sofrida pelo trabalhador ao final da relação de emprego. Concluiu-se que, na maioria dos casos, o acordo é mais favorável ao capital. Finalmente, constatou-se que, apesar de paradoxal, a Justiça do Trabalho ainda pode ser importante instrumento de defesa dos direitos dos trabalhadores, desde que haja avanço da classe trabalhadora impulsionado pela intervenção coletiva do movimento sindical, mesmo no contexto do Estado capitalista e da ideologia jurídica a ele inerente

Plaçant le genre au centre de l’analyse, cette thèse vise à interroger les effets sociaux de l’assistance. Elle est basée sur une enquête de terrain au long cours auprès de travailleuses du social et de femmes élevant seules leur(s) enfant(s) en percevant le Revenu Solidarité Active, ainsi que sur des traitements statistiques, archivistiques et documentaires. En reconstituant la relation d’assistance comme une interaction structurale, différenciée à la fois par le système de stratégies des allocataires et la position professionnelle des travailleuses, elle permet d’identifier trois effets : d’imposition, de temporisation de sédimentation. Après une clarification rigoureuse de l’hypothèse centrale, la première partie vise à reconstituer le système de stratégies des allocataires. La deuxième partie replace la position des travailleuses dans les configurations départementales d’action publique et dans la structure des postes qui s’y organise. La troisième isole et analyse les trois effets retenus. L’argument d’ensemble place l’accent sur la division genrée du travail de domination dont l’assistance procède, qui occulte aussi bien le travail des professionnelles du social et ses difficultés que les rapports sociaux que l’assistance tend à reproduire. / Asserting gender as the main analytical category, this thesis investigates the social effects of welfare policies. It is based on an intensive ethnographic study of both social workers and single mothers on welfare, while also including statistical investigations and archival work. Envisioning the welfare interactions as structural interactions, both differentiated by the recipients’ strategies system and the social workers’ professional positions and dispositions, it allows for an identification of three major effects: imposition effects, temporization effects and sedimentation effects. After a general exposition of the main hypothesis, the first part of the thesis intends to analytically rebuild the recipient’s strategies system. The second part replaces social workers’ positions within the local government policy configurations as well as within the professional structure it entails. The third part identifies and analyses the three aforementioned effects. This thesis’ main result is that welfare is part of a gendered division of the domination labor, which results in the cross occultation of both the actual work social workers provide and the reproduction of class and gender relations welfare tends to induce.

The current study examines the effect of religious orientation, social dominance orientation, right wing authoritarianism, and group socialization on the degree to which covert prejudice beliefs are endorsed. This study is novel in that individual and intergroup factors are simultaneously considered. Unlike much of the existing research, the study measures all six types of religious orientation for a nuanced examination of the different approaches to religion and the effect this has on attitude formation and maintenance. The study also demonstrates higher levels of generalizability in that questionnaires were distributed to a diverse sample and also considered many forms of discrimination (racism, sexism, classism, and heterosexism). Additionally, relevant prejudice measures that better represent covert, modern day prejudice are used in the current study. Social dominance orientation (SDO) was strongly and positively correlated with all four types of subtle prejudice. In hierarchical regression modeling, right wing authoritarianism was the strongest predictor variable for all prejudice outcome variables. SDO was the second strongest predictor for all variables except for benevolent sexism. Demographic and religious orientation predictors varied by prejudice outcome variable. Only immanence and intrinsic emerged as significant religious orientations predictors. Multiple regression models with only religious orientation predictors were also conducted to examine the relationship of each religious orientation to each prejudice when the other religious orientations were held constant. Different trends for different prejudice attitudes were found for intrinsic and immanence orientations. Quest orientation was negatively correlated with prejudice and extrinsic religious orientation was positively correlated with prejudice for all prejudice outcome variables. Increasing intolerance with more indiscriminately pro- or anti-religious responding was not elicited. Instead a pattern of increasing pro-religiosity was related to higher prejudice scores. Progressive congregational factors correlated with lower colorblind racial attitudes, benevolent sexism, classism, and homonegativity among congregants.

A presente pesquisa pretende estudar aspectos da midiatização do consumo e do sentido de classe social na telenovela com foco na representação do que vem sendo considerada a \"nova classe C\" ou \"nova classe média\" brasileira. Para tanto, analisou-se cenas das telenovelas Avenida Brasil (2012), de João Emanuel Carneiro, e Cheias de Charme (2012), de Filipe Miguez e Izabel de Oliveira. Ambas exibidas na Rede Globo, a primeira no horário das 21 horas e a segunda às 19 horas. As duas foram consideradas pela mídia como tramas que representam a \"nova classe C\", o que justifica a escolha. Inicialmente, o trabalho traz uma breve discussão teórica sobre o termo midiatização, sobre as concepções sociológicas de classe social e os estudos realizados sobre telenovela e classe. Pretende-se, assim, problematizar a expressão \"nova classe C\", de modo a entender sua natureza e validade sociológica, bem como levantar a forma como a telenovela costuma retratar as classes sociais, para, assim, rumar às análises com embasamento teórico. A metodologia de análise se fundamenta na concepção marxista de materialismo histórico e dialética, com a qual estão relacionadas as teorias do filósofo da linguagem Mikhail Bakhtin, a Análise do Discurso Francesa e a Análise do Discurso Crítica. Essas teorias tiveram alguns de seus elementos mesclados e utilizadas como protocolo metodológico. A partir do protocolo e dos levantamentos teóricos sobre classes sociais e telenovela, objetiva-se averiguar as nuanças da midiatização do consumo e do sentido de classe social na representação discursiva do que vem sendo chamada a \"nova classe C\" em cenas selecionadas de Avenida Brasil e Cheias de Charme. Com as análises das cenas que retratam situações que aludem ao consumo, obtivemos resultados que apontam para o fato de ambas as telenovelas, em diferentes graus, apresentarem em seus discursos características que condizem com o modo próprio da telenovela tratar as classes sociais, assim como elementos que se relacionam com uma visão social hegemônica, além de aspectos que estão conectados com a realidade comentada pelos sociólogos e que também indicam mudanças na forma usual das telenovelas retratarem as diferenças sociais. Ademais, de acordo com o conceito de midiatização e com o papel da telenovela no Brasil, acreditamos que essas representações contribuem para a formação de um conhecimento social do que seria a \"nova classe C\" brasileira. / This search aims to study aspects of the mediatization of consumption and the sense of social class in telenovela, with focus on what is dubbed \"the new class C\" or \"new middle class\" in Brazil. For that purpose, it was analyzed scenes of the telenovelas Avenida Brasil (2012), by João Emanuel Carneiro, and Cheias de Charme (2012), by Filipe Miguez and Izabel de Oliveira. Both were aired in Rede Globo, at 9pm. and 7pm., respectively. These two productions were considered by the media as representative of the \"new class C\", which justifies the choice. Initially, this work brings a brief theoretical discussion about the mediatization concept, about the sociologic concept of social class and the studies which cover telenovela and social class altogether. It is intended, therefore, to problematize the expression \"new class C\", in order to understand its origin and sociologic nature, as well as to look at the manner by which the telenovela usually portrays the social classes, so as to produce an analysis which has theoretical base. The methodology to analyze the matter is based on the Marxist conception of dialectic and in the historical materialism, which are related to the theories of the Russian language philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin, the French Discourse Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis. These theories had some of their elements combined and used as methodological protocol. From methodological protocol and from the theoretical points about social classes and telenovelas, the objective is to investigate the nuances of the mediatization of consumption and the sense of social class in the discursive representations of the dubbed \"new class C\" in scenes picked from Avenida Brasil and Cheias de Charme. Based on the analysis of scenes that portray situations that allude to consumption, we obtained results which demonstrate that both telenovelas, yet in different degrees, reveal in their plots characteristics that connect with the particular view with which the telenovela approaches the social classes, as well as with elements that are related with the hegemonic social view, apart from aspects that are connected with the reality commented by sociologists and which indicates changes in the usual way that the telenovela portrays the social differences. Moreover, according to the concept of mediatization as well as to the role of telenovela in Brazil, we believe that those representations contribute to the making of a social knowledge of what the new Brazilian \"new class C\" would be.

Cette thèse examine la bourgeoisie musulmane-turque marchande et industrielle, dans la période de la fondation de la République en Turquie. L’argument principal de cette étude consiste à prouver que les commerçants et les entrepreneurs musulmans-turcs dans les années 1920 constituaient une classe sociale qui cherchait à dominer économiquement, socialement et politiquement. Au début de la République, les commerçants et industriels musulman-turcs constituaient une classe qui possédait une culture et une idéologie commune, une vision englobante sur l'économie du pays. D'une part, cette étude révèle la composition interne de cette classe, les secteurs d'activité dont ses membres s'occupaient, leurs sources de richesse, leurs voies de développement. D'autre part, cette thèse révèle le rôle que joue cette classe sociale dans les années 1920 avec leurs demandes et leurs préoccupations, leur idéologie et leurs affiliations politique. / This thesis aims at demonstrate that Muslim-Turkish merchants and entrepreneurs in Turkey in the 1920’s constituted a social class, namely the national “bourgeoisie” of the country, seeking to dominate economically, socially and politically. At the beginning of the Republic, the Muslim-Turkish merchants and industrialists constituted a class which had a common culture and ideology, and a vision regarding the economy of the country in general. On one hand, this study reveals the internal composition of this class, its components, the business sectors they dealt with, the sources of their wealth and their paths of development, whereas on the other hand, it presents the role that this social class played in the 1920’s by focusing on their economic and political organizations, their demands and concerns, their ideology and political affiliations and finally on their relationship with the political power.

University of Macau / Faculty of Education

Not available / text

published_or_final_version / Housing Management / Master / Master of Housing Management

This study considers the manifestations of social closure attitudes by pupils in the open white and Indian state secondary schools in the Durban and greater Durban areas. This study is contextualised with reference to the state's move towards semi-privatisation of the white state schools in South Africa, thus indicating a gradual shift from race to class subjectivities. Therefore, an argument is offered for the use of Parkin's social closure model which explains both race and class phenomena within the same explanatory framework. A multiple research strategy was used, with questionnaires being administered to 240 pupils, while interviews were held with 40 pupils. The viewpoints of both principals and teachers were also considered. Analyses of the results indicated that pupils of all three race groups (Africans, Indians and whites) displayed exclusionary attitudes. Furthermore, the admissions criteria used by the open schools were found to be operating under racist effects and served as an exclusionary device. The African pupils in this study formed part of a larger subordinate majority grouping and as such, displayed usurpationary attitudes, in terms of their aspirations and goals. "Speaking English" was found to be a salient category and served as a credential to gain access to advantages, and was also used as a justificatory basis for excluding other African pupils. This indicates evidence of dual closure. Finally, the middle class background of most of the African pupils within these open schools indicates that the open schools are catering for a very small sector of the African population. This will result in a small social category of "eligibles", while the majority of the African population will form part of the "ineligibles" or "outsiders", thus widening class inequalities within South African society. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, 1993.

No description available.