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The aristocratic novel in the twentieth century depicts the successes and failures of the aristocracy's efforts to come to terms with the social realities brought about by contemporary egalitarianism. Although several of the novels discussed are written by aristocrats, the aristocratic novel as such refers to novels about the aristocracy as a social grouping. Seven authors are selected to represent fictional treatment of a class in crisis, struggling between decadence and resilience: V. Sackville-West, Evelyn Waugh, Nancy Mitford, Elizabeth Bowen, Molly Keane, L.P. Hartley and Emma Tennant. Sackville-West faces and chronicles the inevitable decay of her class, yet cannot refrain from mourning its gracious past. To her, the manor house symbolizes an ancient idyllic symbiosis between aristocrat and worker. To Evelyn Waugh, the aristocracy embodies the finest achievements of inherited English culture. He regards its decline as the crumbling of Christian civilization itself. Resilience against the rising proletariate lies in faith and a chivalrous other-worldliness associated with the old Catholic aristocracy. Mitford uses comedy to defend the ideals of service and honour which she sees undermined by vulgarity and mercantilism. She resists her opponents with lethal swipes of raillery. Bowen and Keane deal with the decline of the Irish Protestant Ascendancy. The heirs of the ascendancy have to cope with the paralysing bequest of a more vital past. Ironically, resilience lies in breaking with their heritage. Hartley appears to criticize the class structure, but his work reveals a fascination for the captivating myth of patrician life. Tennant, representing an aristocracy which has profited from the resurgence of wealth in Thatcherite Britain, is unsparingly caustic on the condition of her class. Her satiric writing presents an ethical resurgence that goes beyond the mere financial recovery of her society. The genre examined suggests a primal need among urbanized citizens for the myth of an heroic order. In the finest aristocratic novels, admiration for an imitable superior order is used to rally a consciousness of a venerable ethical establishment. What is threatened or lost is not merely wealth and privilege, but aristokratos - government by the best. / English Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (English)

The thesis investigates the fictional uses of the figure of the unchaste woman over the period of the early feminist movement in order to trace attitudes towards woman as a sexual being and as a person in her own right. The cheap and popular literature of the period has been used both to illuminate accepted conventions, so that the achievement of major novelists can be more clearly understood, and to discover differences in style, moral intent, and emotional content of the fiction consumed by women of various social classes which may be related to class-based differences in feminine role, expectations, and self-image. [continued in text ...]

Dans un contexte national de politique nutritionnelle visant entre autres à réduire la prévalence de l’obésité, des actions locales sont mises en place. Ce sont de telles actions que cette thèse se propose d’analyser à travers la façon dont des préadolescents se réapproprient un projet d’éducation alimentaire se déroulant dans leur classe. En prenant le point de vue des préadolescents, l’auteur cherche à comprendre les processus en jeu dans la réception, la réutilisation dans différents contextes (en classe, à la cantine, dans la cour) et la diffusion au sein de la famille du projet. Une enquête ethnographique a été menée dans deux collèges différents d’un point de vue socio-économique mettant en place un projet d’éducation alimentaire dans une classe de cinquième. Grâce à des observations participantes du groupe-classe au collège et à des entretiens semi-directifs dans les familles, nous avons pu reconstituer des configurations singulières permettant de dégager un cadre interprétatif de l’adoption ou non d’une attitude de messager du projet au sein de sa famille. Nos résultats montrent le rôle central joué par le groupe de pairs dans la réceptivité des préadolescents au projet. Les deux collèges se différencient quant à l’image du projet au sein de la classe : le projet est beaucoup moins bien perçu par les élèves dans le collège défavorisé. Cette image plus négative explique en partie pourquoi un moins grand nombre d’élèves de ce collège adoptent une attitude de messager dans leur famille. Ainsi, l’effet du groupe de pairs se fait sentir jusque dans la sphère familiale. / In the national background of nutrition policies aiming at reducing obesity prevalence, local actions are implemented. This thesis proposes to analyze such actions through the way preteens appropriate a food education program which takes place in their class. By taking the preteens point of view, the author tries to understand the process involved in the perception, reinterpretation in different contexts (classroom, canteen, schoolyard) and dissemination of the information within the family. An ethnographic study was carried out in two socio-economically different secondary schools setting up a food education program in year 8. Through participant observation in class and semi-structured interviews in the families, we were able to generate singular configurations. Therefore, this allowed us to construct an interpretative frame for the assumed preteens’ attitudes concerning the diffusion of the project in the family. Our results show the importance of the peer group in the preteens receptivity of the project. The two junior high schools are different concerning the project’s image within the class: the program is far less well perceived by the pupils from the deprived school. This more negative opinion partly explains why fewer pupils from this school assume an attitude of messenger in their family. Therefore, the peer group effect can reach the family sphere.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo estudar o princípio da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador, como elemento central e teleológico do direito do trabalho, a fim de verificar aspectos relevantes para a contextualização sociológica, histórica e jurídica desse ramo do direito e contribuir para a construção de uma racionalidade de justiça social. Partindo da intrínseca relação do direito do trabalho com o sistema capitalista de produção e com o conflito de classes sociais inerente ao referido sistema, questionou-se o papel desse ramo jurídico, como instrumento de emancipação da classe trabalhadora ou de preservação dos interesses do capital. A finalidade da doutrina da conciliação das classes sociais e alguns dos principais aspectos de sua implementação no Brasil foram trazidos para o conjunto analítico. Foram analisados os reflexos das transformações do Estado e, portanto, do direito, para o princípio da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador, a partir das mudanças de uma estrutura normativa liberal para a social, passando pelo impacto da ideologia neoliberal e da reestruturação produtiva das últimas décadas. A dinâmica normativa dos princípios e em especial do princípio da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador e a verificação de aspectos importantes da relação deste princípio com outros centrais do direito do trabalho foram abordadas. Foram revisitadas as principais técnicas e situações jurídicas de aplicação do princípio em estudo, a partir da perspectiva de direito social e da contribuição para o fortalecimento da classe trabalhadora. Por fim, apresentouse uma reflexão, à luz do princípio da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador, a respeito da problemática da terceirização, da rotatividade da mão de obra e do excesso de jornada de trabalho. / This research aimed to study the principle of improvement of workers social conditions, as a central and teleological element of Labor Law in order to analise relevant aspects for the sociological, historical and legal contextualization of this branch of Law and also to contribute to the development of social justice rationality. Based on the intrinsic relationship of Labor Law with the production capitalist system and also based on the class conflict which is inherent in the previously mentioned system, the role of this branch of Law was questioned as an emancipation tool for the working class or as a tool for preserving the interests of the capital. The purpose of the doctrine of reconciliation of social classes and some of the key aspects of its implementation in Brazil were scrutinized. Reflections of state transformations were analyzed and therefore the right to the principle of improvement of the workers social conditions were also analyzed, based on changes which would alter a liberal regulatory framework into a social one, through the impact of neoliberal ideology and of the restructuring of productive decades. The dynamics of normative principles and in particular the principle of improvement of workers social condition and the analysis of important aspects of its relationship with other central principles of Labor Law were addressed. The main technical and legal situations of application of the principle being studied were rewied from the perspective of Social Law and from the perspective of contribution to strengthening of the working class. Finally, a reflection, under the light of the principle of improvement of workers social condition, about the issues of outsourcing, labor turnover and excessive working hours presented.

This thesis focuses on the continuous misrepresentations that appear throughout different outlets of popular culture and the negative impacts of these misrepresentations. In the first chapter, the focus will be on the films The Last of the Mohicans and The Mission and the origins and implications of the misrepresentation of Indians in film. The second chapter uses rap music videos such as 50 Cent’s In Da Club, Nelly’s Tip Drill, LMFAO and Lil John’s Shots, Where Da Hood At, Tupac’s Hit ‘Em up, and N.W.A.’s Straight Outta Compton as primary texts to demonstrate the one dimensional and problematic representations of African American Identity in the rap music industry. The third and final chapter uses the video games Grand Theft Auto III and Gun as examples of the negative representations that occur and are repeated quickly in the rapidly improving world of video games. While the misrepresentations are achieved and perpetuated differently in each medium, their ubiquitous presence in popular culture calls for discussion. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-05-07T12:57:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rui Pereira Gomes.pdf: 3010136 bytes, checksum: 9fb63f5567d2e04bec1b436ebcf8a2dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T12:57:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rui Pereira Gomes.pdf: 3010136 bytes, checksum: 9fb63f5567d2e04bec1b436ebcf8a2dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present thesis has as theme the functioning of the participatory budgeting (PB) in Brazilian democracy, submitted to bourgeois economic, juridical-political and ideological dominance. From the theoretical basis used here, especially the work of Nicos Poulantzas: Political Power and Social Classes, texts by Décio Saes, and constitutive laws of the Brazilian bourgeois state that deal with popular participation through the PB, it was sought to identify the reasons why participatory practice does not transcend governments that has set it up and does not consolidate itself as a permanent state policy. The methodology used was qualitative, with bibliographic research technique of descriptive nature in secondary sources (theses and dissertations). Therefore, this research had its universe represented by doctoral dissertations and master dissertations elaborated by researchers in Brazil dealing with public policy (PP), which contents were confronted with aspects of the theoretical framework and with questions of a questionnaire elaborated from the same referential. The following results were obtained: I) The citizen's quality attributed by bourgeois law to the human element becomes an ideological condition of concealment of class division in Brazilian social formation and one of the mechanisms used by ruling classes that makes it difficult to mobilize masses, hindering a social adhesion to participatory policies such as PB; II) the juridical-political structure of the Brazilian State, whose right and bureaucracy are set to maintain a bourgeois order, directs the participation through the PB only to insignificant percentages of the total budget; III) the vast majority of PB experiences in Brazil were extinguished after the change of the government that implemented them. In addition to that, almost all the theses and dissertations mistakenly present the factors impending the continuity of de PB as the non-commitment of the managers or the lack of participatory culture of the population, and not as the structures of the bourgeois state that are constructed to guarantee the exploitation of class / O presente texto tem como tema o funcionamento do orçamento participativo-OP na democracia brasileira, submetida à dominância econômica, jurídico-política e ideológica burguesa. A partir da base teórica aqui utilizada, especialmente a obra de Nicos Poulantzas: Poder Políticos e Classes Sociais, textos de Décio Saes, e leis constitutivas do Estado burguês brasileiro que tratam da participação popular por meio do OP, buscou-se identificar os motivos pelos quais tal prática participativa não transcende os governos que a implantam e nem se consolida como uma política permanente de Estado. A metodologia utilizada é qualitativa, com técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica de caráter descritivo em fontes secundárias (teses e dissertações). Assim, a pesquisa teve o universo representado por teses de doutorado e dissertações de mestrado elaboradas por pesquisadores no Brasil que tratam dessa política pública (OP), cujos conteúdos foram confrontados tanto com aspectos do referencial teórico como com as questões de um questionário elaborado a partir do mesmo referencial. Chegou-se aos seguintes resultados: 1- A qualidade de cidadão atribuída pelo direito burguês, ao elemento humano vem a ser condição ideológica de ocultação da divisão classista na formação social brasileira e um dos mecanismos utilizados pelas classes dominantes que dificulta a mobilização de massas, obstaculizando a adesão social a políticas participativas como o OP; 2 - A estrutura jurídico-política do Estado brasileiro, cujos direito e burocratismo são configurados para preservar a ordem burguesa, direciona a participação por meio do OP apenas a percentuais insignificantes do orçamento total; 3 - A grande maioria das experiências de OP no Brasil foi extinta após mudança dos governo que as instituíram. Sobre essa questão, a quase totalidade das teses e dissertações apresenta equivocadamente os fatores impeditivos de continuidade do OP como sendo o não comprometimento dos gestores ou a falta de cultura participativa da população, e não como sendo as estruturas do Estado burguês que são construídas para garantir a exploração de classe

O tema deste estudo é a relação entre o Direito Coletivo do Trabalho e o sindicalismo. Caracterizamos a institucionalidade sindical brasileira, seguindo os estudos de Armando Boito Jr., como estrutura sindical de Estado: um sistema de controle do movimento sindical dos trabalhadores pelo Estado capitalista. Rediscutimos as determinações de classe da ideologia que ela encerra: o fetiche do Estado protetor e a ordenação capitalista pelo Estado. Para a discussão do Direito Coletivo atual, parte-se da constatação de que a Constituição de 1988 passou o controle do sindicalismo das mãos do Poder Executivo para o Judiciário. Diante disso, defendemos a tese de que se manteve a função geral de desorganização, moderação e controle do movimento dos trabalhadores. Na dimensão organizativa, a partir de estudos de dois casos concretos, apontamos que a gestão judiciária da estrutura interveio de modo particular, mas para fixar os limites do enquadramento oficial. Na negociação coletiva, entendemos que houve a modificação da função do Poder Normativo, que deixou de garantir reajustes salariais e direitos mínimos, ao passo que manteve seu caráter repressivo e limitador. E quanto ao direito de greve, demonstramos a continuidade da linha jurisprudencial anterior à novidade normativa trazida pela CF/88 na matéria. Nesse percurso, defendemos a coerência entre a crítica do direito em geral e a crítica da estrutura sindical de Estado em particular. / The subject of this research is the relations that exist between the Labor Law System and the workers movement. We treat the Brazilian corporatist labor law system as a system of controlling unions by the capitalist state. The text also discusses the class determinations of the ideology that this system embodies and reproduces: the fetish of a protective State and the ordination of capitalism by the State. The current labor law regime was redesign by the Constitution of 1988. Our thesis start from this point: the charge of the state´s controlling of the unionism was transferred from the Executive to the Judicial Power. However, we claim that the general role of the collective labor system has been preserved: role of disorganization, moderation and controlling the worker´s unionism. First, at the organization matter, we part from two cases which show that judicial management has been successfully on intervening into unionism to fix it in the fragmented official framework. Second, at the collective bargaining sphere, we point that it has been a change on the role of the obligatory judicial arbitration of collective conflicts. It doesn´t function anymore as a way of guaranteeing minimum wages corrections annually, although it has continued to be an instrument to repress strikes and so to impose medium wages increases. At least, about unions power to strike, we say that judicial management of the collective labor system has not take advantage of the legal innovations generated by the redemocratization process, as to say, it kept its traditional jurisprudence. Along this way we advocate the coherence between the struggle for the union freedom and the Marxist´s critique of the law itself.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-10-19T12:01:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mauricio Tintori Piqueira.pdf: 1593773 bytes, checksum: 83107463fd90dbd80926c873c0f92b01 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-19T12:01:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mauricio Tintori Piqueira.pdf: 1593773 bytes, checksum: 83107463fd90dbd80926c873c0f92b01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This doctoral thesis aims to analyze the ‘soap operas’ Cheias de Charme and Avenida Brasil, transmitted throughout Brazil in the year of 2012. It takes both of them from the point of view of the representations on the Brazilian sociability, in a context marked by increase of the income of part of working class – which supposedly elevated their status to the “new middle class”. This was due through social policies of assistance to the poor, to creation of formal job vacancies in industry, commerce and services, and to the recognition of labor rights guaranteed by legislation for precarious jobs during the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016)’s governments. From the audiovisual narratives of the two “telenovelas”, we conclude that the main Brazilian cultural industry company (TV Globo), transformed into a show the contradictions of a reality in which the “social inclusion by consumption” were insufficient to guarantee the basic rights of citizenship for groups historically relegated to poverty. This has boosted the reaction of the elites as to the alleged “lose of their privileges” that distinguish them from the exploited groups / Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar as telenovelas Cheias de Charme e Avenida Brasil, transmitidas para todo o Brasil no decorrer do ano de 2012, sob o ponto de vista das representações da sociabilidade brasileira, em um contexto marcado pelo aumento da renda de parte da classe trabalhadora – que supostamente ascenderam à condição de “nova classe média” – por meio das políticas sociais de assistência às camadas paupérrimas da população, à criação de vagas de emprego formal na indústria, comércio e serviços e ao reconhecimento dos direitos trabalhistas previstos pela legislação para os ofícios precarizados, efetivadas durante os governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2011) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). A partir da narrativa audiovisual das duas telenovelas, concluímos que a principal empresa da indústria cultural brasileira transformou em “espetáculo” as contradições de uma realidade na qual a inclusão social via consumo foi insuficiente para garantir os direitos básicos de cidadania para as classes historicamente relegadas à carência, mas impulsionou a reação das classes privilegiadas quanto à suposta ameaça de perderem os “privilégios” que a distinguem das classes exploradas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Augusto Ribeiro Ferreira.pdf: 1312319 bytes, checksum: fa7b9ca3e3ebe9c2819fd5bd348f8714 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-30 / This paper analyzes the conciliations and agreements homologated in the Labor Court, in the first instance, in the forty lower labor courts of Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. It was taken into consideration the historical and political aspects of the aforesaid conciliations and agreements in order to ascertain whether they provide effective justice to the parties involved in the process. The study discusses the ques-tion of the law in the capitalist society and of the State as an instrument for imple-menting this law, seeking to reconcile the contending classes. It was also discussed the parameters of the waiver and of the transaction in the labor sphere and whether these procedures are used to achieve an agreement in the labor field faced with the economic coercion suffered by a worker at the end of the employment relationship. It was concluded that, in most cases, the agreement is more favorable to capital. At last, it was noted that, although paradoxically, the Labor Court may still be an im-portant tool for protecting the workers rights, as long as there is advance of the work-ing class driven by the collective intervention of the labor unions movement, even in the context of the capitalist State and of the legal ideology inherent to it / Este trabalho analisa as conciliações e acordos homologados na Justiça do Trabalho, em primeira instância, nas quarenta varas do trabalho de Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais. Levou-se em consideração o aspecto histórico e político das referidas conciliações e acordos com o propósito de averiguar se eles proporcionam efetiva justiça às partes envolvidas no processo. O estudo discute a questão do direito na sociedade capitalista e do Estado como instrumento de aplicação desse direito, buscando a conciliação das classes em luta. Discutiram-se, também, os parâmetros da renúncia e da transação na esfera trabalhista e se esses procedimentos são utilizados para a concretização de acordos no campo trabalhista diante da coerção econômica sofrida pelo trabalhador ao final da relação de emprego. Concluiu-se que, na maioria dos casos, o acordo é mais favorável ao capital. Finalmente, constatou-se que, apesar de paradoxal, a Justiça do Trabalho ainda pode ser importante instrumento de defesa dos direitos dos trabalhadores, desde que haja avanço da classe trabalhadora impulsionado pela intervenção coletiva do movimento sindical, mesmo no contexto do Estado capitalista e da ideologia jurídica a ele inerente