This thesis is an ethnographic study of how gender inequalities are reproduced in the spaces of a progressive Secondary School in the UK. It explores how knowledge is constructed in a school committed to diversity and equality, and considers how and when gender becomes an obscured but pivotal point in the negotiation of power. Through observations of student and staff in lessons, focus groups and interviews, this research contributes to the understanding of how girls are expected to perform femininities in pedagogic spaces. Focusing on how girls read and make meaning of local knowledge I explore how their choices of accommodation or resistance to traditional femininities are shaped. Through a detailed ethnographic narrative of the girls’ lived experiences, this thesis maps the ways and the extent to which girls are willing to step outside traditional gender expectations. Mapping this movement highlights the girls’ enactment of agency and resistance to gender limitations in pedagogy that historically conflate masculinities with spaces such as science and athletics, naturalizing gender inequalities in the classroom. In doing so, this study contributes to the growing body of literature regarding the relevance of gender in pedagogic spaces and how it informs social status and power. Central to this argument is how girls work within and across different sets of competing discursive narratives as their intersectionalities create multiple and often conflicting expectations. As these multiplicities are revealed, the girls develop an awareness of the contradictions of traditional binary beliefs allowing them to deconstruct dominant gender narratives. Highlighting the girls’ alternative positional choices troubles normalizing gender notions exposing the schools’ taken-for-granted knowledge. In viewing the schools’ normalizing discourses as remarkable this thesis furthers the understanding of how schools become sites for the production of gender. By exploring how girls make meaning of their daily gendered experiences and how they conceptualize and navigate the successes or sacrifices of their actions, this research suggests further focus on girls’ empowerment with the goal of decreasing pedagogic inequalities.

In Vietnam,w omena ccountf or nearly5 2 percenot f thet otal populationo f approximately 68.1m illion. The statuso f womenh asg raduallye volvedf tom a subordinationp ositionb egun under the feudal Chinese Period and continued during the period of colonisation, to a more equitables tatusi n present-dayV ietnam. During the war of reunification,V ietnamesew omen werep ut in a dynamics ituationw heret heyh adt o operatea t parw ith men. Thew ar whichl asted well overa decadec, reateda no pportunityf or themt o participatein whatw asa traditionallym ale dominateds phereo f activity. Subsequentlyth, e societyr eciprocatedb y grantingw omenb asic rightst raditionallyr eservedfo r mena ndt he constitutiona ndl egislationo f then ew independent state was clear about supporting the rights of women. Although Vietnam does lag behind economicallyc omparedto mostd evelopingc ountriesa ndt he industrialw orld, in many domains includingm atemalm ortality,l ife expectancyn,u mbero f womenc omparedto men in the labour force,p arliamentarrye presentatioann dl iteracyr ates,t he gap is minimal, andi n somei nstances surpassese ven figures of women in the developedi ndustrial countries. Following the reunificationw ar (southa ndn orth Vietnam),T he SocialistR epublico f Vietnamh as beenr uled by theV ietnamesCe ommunisPt artyu ndera regimeo f neo-StalinisCt entraPl lanning. Sincet he 1980sV, ietnamh asb eeng raduallym ovingt o a markete conomy.I n 1987w ith the introduction of Doi Moi (economic recovery programme), the Government committed to transform the countryi nto a socialistm arkete conomy. However,w hile progresst owardsa markete conomy is gradually evolving, a disturbing trend is emerging: it appears that women are being marginaliseedc onomically.O f thew orkforcem ader edundanitn 1990,70p ercentw erew omen. Most enterprisesa,n d evena dministrativeo fficesn ow put womena t a disadvantageO. ftens uch discriminationsa re linked with maternityl eavea nd relatede ntitlementsa ccordedt o women employees. This thesiss etso ut to examinet he following hypothesesa: ) to ascertainw hethert he status of women in Vietnam as compared to that of other women regionally and globally is relativelyp ositive; b) to examinet hen atuTeo f the impacto f the emergingm arket economyo n their status;a nd c) to ascertainth e effectso f small and mediums calei ndustryo n that impact, either negative or positive. The research methodology employed to test the above hypotheses consists of a combinationo f methodsc omprisinga nalysiso f archival informationa ndm ultiple cases tudies with two questionnairecso mplementebdy exploratory,e xplanatorya ndd escriptives trategies. The empirical phase is based on two case studies of two small-medium sized industries in Vietnam.T hesep articularc ompaniews eres electedm ainlyb ecauseth eyc ontaineda high female representatiofnro m the textile industry ast hey traditionally employw omen. The resultso f the surveysc onductedf or CaseS tudyA and CaseS tudyB are analysedto identify the statusa nd aspirationos f womenw orking in a small-mediums izedi ndustry. Sociala nd cultural aspectso f these women are also explored. In conclusion, the thesis wraps up the findings of the surveys and draws summations from the literature reviewed. It also offers recommendations aimed at empowering women in overcoming economic difficulties in order to maintain their social equality.

When people are motivated to justify their socio-political systems they come to view the current status quo as the most desirable status quo--a process termed injunctification (Kay et al., 2009). Here, two studies suggest that injunctification processes can perpetuate gender inequalities in politics. In Study 1, I manipulated the system justification (SJ) motive of 64 female undergraduates and presented information suggesting there are many or few women in federal politics. Participants with their SJ motive heightened and who read there were many women more showed more egalitarian attitudes compared to other conditions. Study 2 (90 female undergraduates) again manipulated the SJ motive and manipulated the status quo about the number of women in politics. Participants with a heightened SJ motive who read there would soon be many women in politics reported more personal political interest, compared to other conditions. Implications for inequality and System Justification Theory are discussed.

When people are motivated to justify their socio-political systems they come to view the current status quo as the most desirable status quo--a process termed injunctification (Kay et al., 2009). Here, two studies suggest that injunctification processes can perpetuate gender inequalities in politics. In Study 1, I manipulated the system justification (SJ) motive of 64 female undergraduates and presented information suggesting there are many or few women in federal politics. Participants with their SJ motive heightened and who read there were many women more showed more egalitarian attitudes compared to other conditions. Study 2 (90 female undergraduates) again manipulated the SJ motive and manipulated the status quo about the number of women in politics. Participants with a heightened SJ motive who read there would soon be many women in politics reported more personal political interest, compared to other conditions. Implications for inequality and System Justification Theory are discussed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:19:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006 - Jesse de Hollanda Cordeiro Junior.pdf: 621620 bytes, checksum: f49827d499d78f1f23d8d63f6745c560 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-21 / This paper aims at addressing the situation of social inequality suffered by large part of the population in Brazil and discusses the need to immediately and effectively guarantee the access of these subordinate groups to better and more equal conditions of life. It also looks at data collected to reflexively analyze the results of the project of social equality promotion by digital inclusion, planned and funded as an Extension Project by the Institui??o de Ensino Superior UniFOA. Thus, it sets out to investigate the situation of social inequality suffered by the Brazilian lower classes based on the analysis of the major determinants of such situation, defining the so-called Information Society and approaching its meaning and importance in the current scientific and technological Brazilian context. Based on the results of the investigation, it analyzes the present-day situation of digital exclusion, pointing out the undesirable consequences that Brazil may have to face in case the country does not follow the international patterns of competition and commercial marketing observed in leading companies in the modern world scenario. Reflecting upon the economical, social and political consequences of the work versus job dialectic, it presents the importance of promoting digital inclusion and social equality, as a result of a consequent of a wider access to better work conditions and of the establishment of more symmetrical financial and power relations. Eventually it looks at the outcomes of the Projeto Rede Solidariedade do UniFOA , analyzing data presented by the participants to evaluate the achieved results. / O presente trabalho discute a situa??o de exclus?o social em que se encontra a popula??o brasileira e a necessidade de se promover de forma imediata e contundente a inclus?o dessa parcela da sociedade e, ainda, faz uma analise reflexiva dos dados recolhidos sobre o desempenho do projeto de inclus?o social, pela inclus?o digital, oferecido e operacionalizado como Projeto de Extens?o, pela Institui??o de Ensino Superior UniFOA. Dessa forma, contextualiza a situa??o de exclus?o social em que se encontra uma parcela consider?vel da popula??o brasileira, a partir dos fatores determinantes que levam a essa a??o, buscando definir o que alguns autores chamam de Sociedade da Informa??o, com o seu significado e a import?ncia que o momento cient?fico e tecnol?gico representa para o Brasil. A partir dessa contextualiza??o, busca o entendimento do que pode significar a exclus?o digital e os reflexos que poder?o advir se o Brasil n?o se enquadrar nos novos padr?es de competi??o e de concorr?ncia em que se encontram as empresas no cen?rio mundial. A partir de uma reflex?o acerca do significado social, pol?tico e econ?mico do bin?mio trabalho x emprego, discorre sobre a import?ncia da busca da inclus?o digital, como forma de promover a inclus?o social, com o objetivo de oportunizar melhores condi??es de trabalho e promover uma melhor distribui??o de renda da qual participem as popula??es mais carentes e necessitadas. Finalmente, analisa o desempenho do Projeto Rede Solidariedade do UniFOA, a partir dos dados capturados com os participantes dos diferentes segmentos do projeto, como forma de avaliar o seu desempenho e valid?-lo quanto ? busca de seus objetivos.

Neste trabalho buscaremos três objetivos. O primeiro deles será o de apresentar de modo sistemático a política de ação afirmativa visando realizar a igualdade social com seu conceito, definições e a audiência pública realizada no STF sobre a constitucionalidade de tais políticas. Expondo a posição contrária e a favor de cotas raciais nas universidades brasileiras. O segundo objetivo é apresentar o pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco nos pontos que se referem a sua busca pela igualdade social. O terceiro objetivo é verificar a adequação do pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco para as políticas de ações afirmativas, se seria possível definir critério racial para reserva de vagas nas universidades públicas com base no pensamento do autor com objetivo de se realizar a igualdade social. / In this dissertation we aim at reaching three goals. The first is to present systematically the affirmative action policy aimed at achieving social equality: we expose its concept, the definitions, and the public hearing held in the SUPREME COURT concerning the constitutionality of such policies: we expose the arguments developed by both the critics and those who favor the adoption of racial quotas in Brazilian universities. The second objective is to present the thought of Joaquim Nabuco insofar as it refers to his questfor social equality. The third objective is to verify the adequacy of the thought of Joaquim Nabuco for the justification of affirmative action policies, in other words, whether it is possible or not to define racial criteria for admission in public universities based on the author's thinking as regards the aim of achieving social equality.

In recent years, studies have linked various structural and environmental factors to disproportionately increased rates of morbidity, mortality, and adverse health outcomes in low-income racial and ethnic minority neighborhoods. Among the adverse health outcomes, is the constraint on the ability to access and afford a healthy diet. While local food systems play a significant role in influencing urban health and well-being outcomes, they also present an opportunity to develop community-based assets and resilience. By identifying limitations and successes in current food system literature and practice, this report examines how a more comprehensive approach to equitable community health and wellness can be achieved and sustained. Effective disparity reduction relies on cross-sectoral partnerships that not only promote food equity, but also provide participatory social, economic, and educational opportunities to marginalized communities. / text

Neste trabalho buscaremos três objetivos. O primeiro deles será o de apresentar de modo sistemático a política de ação afirmativa visando realizar a igualdade social com seu conceito, definições e a audiência pública realizada no STF sobre a constitucionalidade de tais políticas. Expondo a posição contrária e a favor de cotas raciais nas universidades brasileiras. O segundo objetivo é apresentar o pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco nos pontos que se referem a sua busca pela igualdade social. O terceiro objetivo é verificar a adequação do pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco para as políticas de ações afirmativas, se seria possível definir critério racial para reserva de vagas nas universidades públicas com base no pensamento do autor com objetivo de se realizar a igualdade social. / In this dissertation we aim at reaching three goals. The first is to present systematically the affirmative action policy aimed at achieving social equality: we expose its concept, the definitions, and the public hearing held in the SUPREME COURT concerning the constitutionality of such policies: we expose the arguments developed by both the critics and those who favor the adoption of racial quotas in Brazilian universities. The second objective is to present the thought of Joaquim Nabuco insofar as it refers to his questfor social equality. The third objective is to verify the adequacy of the thought of Joaquim Nabuco for the justification of affirmative action policies, in other words, whether it is possible or not to define racial criteria for admission in public universities based on the author's thinking as regards the aim of achieving social equality.

Neste trabalho buscaremos três objetivos. O primeiro deles será o de apresentar de modo sistemático a política de ação afirmativa visando realizar a igualdade social com seu conceito, definições e a audiência pública realizada no STF sobre a constitucionalidade de tais políticas. Expondo a posição contrária e a favor de cotas raciais nas universidades brasileiras. O segundo objetivo é apresentar o pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco nos pontos que se referem a sua busca pela igualdade social. O terceiro objetivo é verificar a adequação do pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco para as políticas de ações afirmativas, se seria possível definir critério racial para reserva de vagas nas universidades públicas com base no pensamento do autor com objetivo de se realizar a igualdade social. / In this dissertation we aim at reaching three goals. The first is to present systematically the affirmative action policy aimed at achieving social equality: we expose its concept, the definitions, and the public hearing held in the SUPREME COURT concerning the constitutionality of such policies: we expose the arguments developed by both the critics and those who favor the adoption of racial quotas in Brazilian universities. The second objective is to present the thought of Joaquim Nabuco insofar as it refers to his questfor social equality. The third objective is to verify the adequacy of the thought of Joaquim Nabuco for the justification of affirmative action policies, in other words, whether it is possible or not to define racial criteria for admission in public universities based on the author's thinking as regards the aim of achieving social equality.

Submitted by Emanuel Varela Cardoso (emanuel.varela@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-02T23:16:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 EDILVAN MORAES LUNA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 2863476 bytes, checksum: 1c3274a8fbc00c0e22c0581a3bdbf36d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T23:16:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EDILVAN MORAES LUNA – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 2863476 bytes, checksum: 1c3274a8fbc00c0e22c0581a3bdbf36d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-27 / Capes / As discussões sobre questões étnico-raciais no Brasil são polêmicas, principalmente, pelo mal-estar devido ao se falar em raças. Se esta categoria não possui mais fundamentos biológicos, por outro lado, isso não significa que tenha sido descartada, sendo ainda utilizada como uma categoria nativa a orientar relações sociais de indivíduos no seu cotidiano. Em outras palavras, não é porque não possui mais respaldo biológico que as pessoas não utilizem a palavra e o sentido (de diferenças biológicas e culturais a hierarquizar os indivíduos) no dia a dia. Tendo em vista as especificidades históricas de como se pensou raça e de como se gestou no país uma política de branqueamento, a história do Brasil transita de uma visão pessimista sobre seu futuro, por ser aqui uma terra repleta de negros, até a afirmação positiva de que seriamos uma democracia racial. Contudo, o mito da democracia racial, longe de ser uma constatação, foi um mecanismo discursivo-ideológico utilizado pelas elites políticas e econômicas para lidar com as tensões provenientes das desigualdades raciais e forma de criar um discurso hegemônico de identidade nacional. Este mito tem sua força até o dia de hoje, mesmo em face de inúmeros movimentos sociais negros a contestá-lo. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar o Estatuto da Igualdade Racial (Lei 12.288, de 20 de julho de 2010), desde sua proposta na forma de Projeto de Lei até sua votação final. Neste contexto, a questão que nos move é: como o Estado (este entendido tanto como espaço social como também instância burocrática e administrativa) compreende a questão racial no Brasil em termos de um problema social e operacionaliza essa compreensão nas suas ações políticas, em particular, na lei que trata exatamente sobre a promoção da igualdade racial? Nossa hipótese é que o mesmo é tido como uma legislação simbólica, ou seja, uma legislação cujo caráter ideológico de garantir a legitimidade do Estado como promotor da igualdade social ao mesmo tempo em que reafirma o mito da democracia racial se sobrepõe ao compromisso efetivo com o fim do racismo e a promoção da igualdade racial. Através da Análise de Discurso francesa, em particular, com o conceito de memória discursiva, contextualizaremos o Estatuto, observando seus limites e potencialidades na luta antirracismo. / Discussions on ethno-racial issues in Brazil are controversial, mainly because of the "malaise" due to speaking about races. If this category does not have more biological foundations, on the other hand, this does not mean that it has been discarded, being still used as a native category to guide social relations of individuals in their daily lives. In other words, it is not because it has no more biological support that people do not use the word and the meaning (of biological and cultural differences to prioritize individuals) in the day-to-day. In view of the historical specificities of how a race was conceived and how a racial whitening policy was developed in Brazil, the history of Brazil shifts from a pessimistic view of its future, since it was here a land full of blacks, until the positive affirmation of that we would be a racial democracy. However, the myth of racial democracy, far from being a finding, was a discursive-ideological mechanism used by political and economic elites to deal with the tensions arising from racial inequalities and the way to create a hegemonic discourse of national identity. This myth has its strength to this day, even in the face of countless black social movements to contest it. In that context, the present research aims to study the Estatuto da Igualdade Racial (Law 12.288, July 20, 2010), from its proposal in the form of a bill until its final vote. The question that moves us is: how the State (understood as a social space as well as a bureaucratic and administrative instance) understands the racial question in Brazil in terms of a social problem and operationalizes this understanding in its political actions, in particular, in the law which deals exactly with the promotion of racial equality? Our hypothesis is that it is seen as a symbolic legislation, that is, legislation whose ideological character of guaranteeing the legitimacy of the State as promoter of social equality while reaffirming the myth of racial democracy overlaps with the effective commitment with the end of racism and the promotion of racial equality. Through the French Discourse Analysis, in particular, with the concept of discursive memory, we will contextualize the Statute, observing its limitations and potential in the fight against racism.