This interpretative case study examines the ways in which socio-spatial exclusion is main-tained though urban planning designs in the informal settlement of Kibera in Kenya. It ap-plies the theoretical and analytical framework of T. Mitchell and A. Church, M. Frost, K. Sullivan to investigate how the urban design of the Kenyan Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP) contributes to the maintenance of socio-spatial hierarchies that allow for the ex-clusion of Kibera’s urban residents. This investigation is a reaction to the lacking considera-tion of implanted structural violence in place and urban development.The study found that persisting socio-spatial exclusion of residents in Kibera is in-deed sustained through KENSUP. The built environment functions as power medium that excludes some people based on their socio-spatial status in the city. The applied framework confirmed that the urban planning programme KENSUP maintains existing forms of eco-nomic, physical, and geographic exclusion, besides the exclusion from facilities through the built environment.The findings suggest that urban planning designs require a shift from the focus on the built environment towards the focus on human rights and inclusive participation in order to reduce the structural influence of socio-spatial city hierarchies.

Throughout human history, people have migrated from one area to another for many reasons, including searching for better economic, political or other conditions that are assumed to improve the human standard of living (Kotkin 2016:6; United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2014). Migration to urban areas has increased over the past century, and is only expected to continue doing so. In 2016, 54% of earth’s human population lived within urban areas, making it the largest urban population ever to occur on the planet (Brenner & Schmidt 2014:733; United Nations Population Fund 2014). A 2013 study by El Din, Shalaby, Farouh and Elariane states that, with more of the human population residing in urban areas than in the past, studies around human life in urban areas are more significant and necessary for the sake of increasing knowledge bases for the development of sustainable human environments (El Din et al. 2013:87, 88). Architects and urban planners focus on improving the quality of life of the end users of their designs at a contextual level, which in turn is beneficial as a good quality of life is considered to be one of the most important aspects for sustainable urban development (Othman, Aird & Buys 2015:22). Over the past 15 years there has been a knowledge shift towards global parameters for measurement of quality of life that are not uniform or based solely on economic indicators, but rather are developed so that these indicators can be used to measure quality of life at a contextual level in order to supply informative data and results (United Nations Population Fund 2016; Vermuni & Costanza 2006:124). There are contextual differences, similarities and variations for the definition of a good quality of life between the large urban areas in the developed world as well as in countries within the Global South, which contains the majority of the world’s Third World countries (Rigg 2007:8-10). With the global continuation of the urbanisation of the human population in different contexts, along with the migration of individuals between different parts of the world, urban planners and architects are challenged to design spaces that provide good quality of life within any urban context for an end user coming from any urban or rural context. This study seeks to investigate the means of assessing quality of life in residential spaces of end users who share similar values in terms of quality of life, but will be studied in three varied urban contexts, namely Zimbabwe, South Africa and the United Kingdom. Zimbabwe, is classified as a Low Income country by the United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs (2014), has experienced high levels of migration out of the country over the past 16 years (Humphris 2010), with the highest number of migrations into South Africa, which is classified as an Upper Middle Income Country, and the United Kingdom, classified as a High Income country (United Nations Department of Economics and Social Affairs 2014). This research paper seeks to measure and compare quality of life in the homes of Zimbabweans in the three contexts mentioned above, in order to gauge what aspects of residential design impact positively or negatively on the end user’s quality of life. / Mini Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Architecture / MSc Applied Sciences in Architecture / Unrestricted

The thesis deals with the socio-spatial transformation of the Prague district Karlin. This post- socialist and post-industrial developing dynamic district has changed its character in the recent decades. I follow on from the post-socialist theories that perceive the city of the so- called hybrid perspectives. These theories reveal it as a whole and take into account the everyday experience of the changing city. I describe these experiences of the inhabitants and visitors of Karlin with the concepts of social production and social construction, which combine the macroanalysis of social, economic and political influences and the microanalysis of individual living experience. I work on the assumption at the same time that the socio- spatial change manifests itself in the everyday activities of people and their rhythmicity which is the result of social construction and the production of urban space. The aim of the thesis is to describe the socio-spatial change through the example of Karlin Square with the analysis of rhythmicity. I use several qualitative methods of urban studies. In particular, I use the following methods: semi-structured interviews with mental mapping, participating observations and diaries

In high-motorisation, car-dependent countries, transport affordability is intimately linked to the price of oil derived motor fuels, which may become increasingly volatile in the future due to global oil price movements and environmental taxation. The negative impacts of fuel price spikes in terms of increased household expenditure and economic stress are unevenly spatially and socially distributed. Previous research has found that vulnerability to fuel price increases is higher in peripheral, peri-urban and rural areas, and that low income tends to be co-located with high car dependence and low vehicle fuel efficiency, with a compounding effect on vulnerability. The goal of this article is to test these hypotheses for England, providing new evidence on spatial patterns of vulnerability to fuel price increases at the small-area level. We propose a composite vulnerability indicator combining data on income, accessibility, vehicle inspection and vehicle registration for 2011. Within English city-regions, we find little evidence of the socially regressive patterns previously identified in the literature. This is explained by the persistent concentration of poverty in urban cores, as well as by the poor fuel economy of the vehicle fleet in wealthier areas, due to the prevalence of powerful vehicles there. On the other hand, our analysis suggests that the impacts of fuel price increases would be very unequal between city-regions, as the least sensitive metropolitan area (Greater London) is also characterised by high levels of adaptive capacity. We conclude by setting out an agenda for future research on spatial vulnerability to fuel price increases.

Till följd av bland annat urbaniseringen och de nya utmaningar samt levnadsförhållandena som medföljer människor som bosätter sig i städer har nya fenomen vuxit fram och aktualiserats. Urban ofrivillig ensamhet är ett sådant. Städer anses som platser där sociala relationer frodas, men samtidigt måste vi vara medvetna om att ofrivillig ensamhet formas i städerna. Detta tenderar dock att förbises och gömmas av den enorma mängd människor som vistas där. Ur ett fysisk planerar- och designperspektiv är de fysiska aspekterna av staden intressanta eftersom det är den fysiska utformningen och livsmiljön i samverkan med sociala aspekter som har stor påverkan på hur människor bor, lever och förflyttar sig i staden. Så hur kan problemet synliggöras och hanteras inom fysisk planering?  Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur samt vilka fysiska och sociala aspekter som samverkar och inverkar på hur urban ofrivillig ensamhet formas och vidhålls i urbana miljöer, genom att undersöka hur dialektiken (stad – ofrivillig ensamhet) är situerad i forskningen inom ämnet. Ytterligare ämnar studien att kritiskt undersöka relationen mellan urban ofrivillig ensamhet och fysisk byggd miljö med hjälp av design.  Studien initieras med reflektioner kring konkurrerande sätt att diskutera ensamhet samt hur fenomenet principiellt kan förstås med hjälp av Simmels och Baumans perspektiv på främlingskapet samt Tönnies Gemeinschaft och Gesellschaft. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av en kartläggande litteraturstudie och designmoment.  Empirin har samlats in genom dokumentstudier av akademisk litteratur inom ämnet urban ofrivillig ensamhet. Empiri har sedan analyserats med en tematisk textanalys och diskuterats mot de teoretiska utgångspunkterna och kunskapsöversikten. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna består av den socio-spatiala dialektiken samt Lefebvre rumstriad: det materiella rummet, rummets representationer och representationernas rum. Relationen mellan fysisk utformning, sociala aspekter och urban ofrivillig ensamhet har sedan undersökts genom design som metod.  Studien visar på en förståelse av det moderna samhället som en plats med utrymme för både gemenskap och ofrivillig ensamhet som påverkas av såväl fysisk utformning som sociala mekanismer. Avsaknaden av samhörighet, sociala utbyten, relationer och sociala nätverk av genuina och djupa sociala band bidrar till att forma ofrivillig ensamhet. Å andra sidan motverkar god promenadvänlighet, god tillgänglighet, och offentliga platser eftersom de skapar möjlighet för personer att förflytta sig och träffa andra om de tar möjligheten. Slutligen är det upp till användarna av den byggda miljön att tolka och bruka den. Även om planerare formar en plats med ett specifikt ändamål i åtanke.

De kraftiga skyfall som drabbat Malmö har fört klimatanpassad planering högre upp på agendan. Parallellt har nyliberala strömningar gjort städer mer entreprenöriella, där mycket fokus legat på stadsmarknadsföring i hopp om att stärka skatteunderlaget. Klimatanpassad planering har i sin tur integrerats i denna metod. Den klimatanpassade planeringens egenskaper beskrivs ofta som enkom positiva för alla, där sociala och hälsobringande värden förenats med ekologiska. Däremot visar forskning att gröna implementeringar kan påskynda gentrifieringsprocesser och segregationsmönster i form av ökad attraktivitet, varpå vikten av ekonomisk tillgång intensifieras. Då det nya området södra Hyllie planerats med rekordgröna motiv på en plats där omkringliggande områden betraktas som resurssvaga – i en stad med stora klassklyftor – fann vi en brist i perspektivet av socio-spatial rättvisa. I denna studie har vi därför analyserat dokument från Malmö stads samt genomfört intervjuer med en planhandläggare, en landskapsarkitekt och en teamledare för Hyllie för att undersöka socio-spatialitetens roll i den klimatanpassade planeringen. Resultaten tydde på att tillgång representeras av fysisk snarare än mental tillgång och att attraktivitet fungerar som den klimatanpassade planeringens primära verktyg för att bemöta de flesta socio-spatiala utmaningarna. Vi kunde dra slutsatsen att klimatanpassad planering används i flera fall för att forma och påverka socio-spatiala förhållanden men att dess positiva utfall för alla antas vara givet. Vi menar därför att socio-spatialitet måste lyftas inom den klimatanpassade planeringen i syfte om att en rättvis tillgång och fördelning av dess goda effekter kan uppnås. / The heavy downpours that have struck Malmö has put climate adaptive planning higher up on the agenda. The neoliberal currents have simultaneously made cities more entrepreneurial where a lot of focus has been put on city branding in the hope of increasing the tax base. Climate adaptive planning has in turn been integrated in this method. The characteristics of climate adaptive planning are frequently described as solely positive for all where social and health values have been combined with ecological values. On the other hand, research has shown that green implementations can expedite gentrification processes and segregation patterns by increasing attractiveness whereas economic access intensifies. Malmö’s development project södra Hyllie is planned with motives of creating a record green environment. As this project is neighbouring areas of lesser economic means in a city with large class divides, we acknowledged an insufficient attention to aspects of socio-spatial justice. In this study, we therefore analysed the city of Malmö’s central planning documents and interviewed one planning officer, one landscape architect and the team leader of Hyllie in order to gain a deeper understanding, regarding the role of socio-spatiality in climate adaptive planning. The results showed that access was mainly regarded as physical access rather than mental access and that attractivity is largely used as the main tool for approaching socio-spatial challenges. We established that climate adaptive planning is conducted in several cases to form and influence socio-spatial conditions but that their positive effects for everyone is assumed. Therefore, our notion is that socio-spatial justice must be made a greater part of climate adaptive planning in order to obtain a more just distribution and access in regard to its positive effects.

Purpose- The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationships between space, non-whiteness, embodied experiences and related perceptions, establishing reality connections for the participants in this matter. One notion that collides with the unrestricted individuality of these subjects, who are perceived as being outsiders to the Swedish norm, is the concept of Othering. The general aim is to gain a deeper understanding about the complexities of these women's experiences as of them being perceived as Others. Originality/value- This research adds to previous research by focussing on the understanding of the self as crucial in processes of Othering and by highlighting how hegemonic discourses construct an imagined national identity. Further, the abstract concept and sensation of segregation, feeling Othered and experiencing boundaries while moving around in a city are complex phenomena that will be examined in relation to urban spaces. Design/methodology/approach- The research study scope was chosen to be qualitative research approach in order to explore and identify variables that cannot be measured easily, in this case experiences and emotions, since predetermined information and literature and relying on other studies did not seem sufficient for this topic. In an attempt to capture the interpersonal and embodied experiences taken up by daughters of immigrants who live in the urban landscape of Malmö, four in-depth individual interviews were conducted. Findings- The presented narratives reveal the richness of the mechanisms of exclusion through Othering as a continuous process regarding both their embodied experiences as well as interpersonal interactions. Being Othered as a daughter of immigrants, irrespective of belonging to a certain ethnic background, is not a unitary or one-dimensional experience but is rather a collectivity of cohesive experiences. These experiences furthermore are neither exclusively determined by embodied or interpersonal encounters, nor are they to be avoided through modifying their behaviour, which ultimately means that these young women are always subjects of stigmata, categorizations or assumptions about them.

Utmaningar som ökad stillasittande, ohälsa och klimatförändringar kräver nya strategier. Vallastaden i Linköping exemplifieras som ett projekt som använt innovativa strategier för att möta globala utmaningar. Området betonar social hållbarhet men också ekologisk hållbarhet vilket integreras strategiskt i staden för att främja och uppmuntra till en hållbar livsstil och stad. Intresset riktas mot hur Vallastadens utformning påverkar invånarnas attityd till fysisk aktivitet och miljömedvetenhet. Fysisk aktivitet betonas som avgörande för hälsa och livslängd, och den fysiska miljöns utformning spelar en nyckelroll. Stadsidealet nyurbanism samt Edward Sojas teori, den socio-spatiala dialektiken, har applicerats för att undersöka uppsatsens syfte och besvara frågeställningarna. De teoretiska ramverken ger en djupare inblick i och förståelse för hur Vallastadens design och struktur påverkar invånarna och visar på samspelet mellan fysisk miljö och mänskligt beteende. För att undersöka Vallastadens påverkan på invånarnas fysiska aktivitet och hållbara val, samt bedöma hur väl kommunens mål uppnåtts, användes både kvalitativa och kvantitativa metoder. De kvalitativa metoderna – intervjuer, observation, enkät och litteraturstudier – gav djupare insikt i människors tankar och känslor medan de kvantitativa metoderna – enkät och statistik – möjliggjorde generalisering. Genom att kombinera båda metoderna strävade studien efter en mer omfattande och nyanserad förståelse av ämnet. Resultaten indikerar att Vallastaden, genom sin integrerade planering med grönområden och attraktiva offentliga platser, strävar efter att främja en aktiv livsstil och hållbara transportval. Dess strategi med parkeringshus och hastighetsbegränsningar framstår som en åtgärd för att skapa en säkrare miljö som främjar hälsa och gemenskap. Även om Vallastaden framhävs som ett framgångsrikt exempel, återges det att vissa invånare inte noterar en betydande förändring i sina aktivitetsnivåer. Detta pekar på en potentiell avvikelse från de större målen för projektet. Trots dessa avvikelser har Vallastadens resultat i huvudsak stämt överens med kommunens ambitioner.

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Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2018-05-30T17:37:53Z (GMT) / Submitted by Marcel Ribeiro Padinha (marcelpadinha@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-06-04T15:44:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE MARCEL RIBEIRO PADINHA.output.pdf: 9718780 bytes, checksum: cfd5823c871c9ad1bbc2c7a1abb76b9f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ALESSANDRA KUBA OSHIRO ASSUNÇÃO (alessandra@fct.unesp.br) on 2018-06-04T20:32:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 padinha_mr_dr_prud.pdf: 9718780 bytes, checksum: cfd5823c871c9ad1bbc2c7a1abb76b9f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-04T20:32:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 padinha_mr_dr_prud.pdf: 9718780 bytes, checksum: cfd5823c871c9ad1bbc2c7a1abb76b9f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Cette thèse a analysé les impacts socio-spatiaux sur les échelles de vie des personnes affectées par un «grand projet», le HPP de Belo Monte, construit sur la rivière Xingu, en Amazonie brésilienne. Ces « grands objets » favorisent re (dé) structuration des territoires où ils sont déployés, provoquant des conséquences graves en bordure existants et historiquement constitué spatialité, paysans, indigènes, ainsi que les habitants de la périphérie de la ville d'Altamira - Pará - Amazon. puis analysé la force « prédateurs » de ces grands projets sur les populations « sous-officier » d'une base théorique échelle proposition, qui consiste à considérer l'espace comme « polymorphes ». Espace-spatialité, technique et échelle ont été utilisés comme outils méthodologiques pour la réalisation de la lecture de notre réalité empirique. Les impacts sur l'échelle de la vie des gens « dépossédés » est la mobilité dans l'immobilité se fait sentir, en vue de la condition spatiale d'appartenance, la propriété et l'identification des différents sujets exercent sur leurs territoires et lieux. Néanmoins, en réponse à ce processus de débordement, une série de stratégies de lutte et de résistance sont vérifiées par rapport à des projets «développementalistes». Malgré la main de fer du gouvernement brésilien, c'était une forte opposition au projet de Belo Monte HPP. Les mouvements sociaux de différentes gammes de performance, de différents endroits de la planète, ont rejoint l'impact et de la région d'Altamira, constituant ainsi un cours de confrontation majeure contre conception « biopolitique » appliquées par le gouvernement brésilien et la capitale nationale et internationale. Cette confrontation fait des pauvres à la campagne et la ville et les populations traditionnelles, sous la direction des mouvements sociaux ( « Xingu Vivo Mouvement pour toujours », « Mouvement des femmes ») d'Altamira et de la région, a ajouté le rôle important du ministère public Bureau du défenseur public fédéral de l'État du Pará et les activités des ONG (telles que l'Institut socio-environnemental), se sont battus et se battent pour faire en sorte que la territorialité et lugaridade ceux soumis socioespacialmente touchés, le nombre d'œuvres et les actions qui ont conduit à UHE Belo Monte peut en en quelque sorte, être compensé. Une lutte sociale intense et durable s'est installée dans la région de Xingu afin que les effets (re) structurants de ce «grand projet» puissent être (en quelque sorte) compensés. Cette lutte des sujets hegemonizados / subordonné qui a été appelé « insurgés centralité » établi entre les sujets de (forte) politique et économique puissance asymétrique et inégale, avec l'Etat brésilien et la capitale d'un côté et, de l'autre la spatialement affecté et son réseau de protection, a généré des conflits profonds de nature spatiale. En dépit des réalisations importantes des mouvements sociaux et atteint la force du « état d'exception » utilisé pour déployer UHE Belo Monte par le gouvernement brésilien, dans la période démocratique, l'impact a promu l'échelle de la vie des gens qui sont incommensurables et irréparables. Ce qui implique la nécessité de proposer et d'investissements dans d'autres et de nouvelles formes (sources) de production d'électricité au Brésil et l'Amazonie comme un moyen de surmonter ce cadre de butin, qui est le produit du capitalisme « solution spatiale ». / Esta tese analisou os impactos socioespaciais às escalas da vida das pessoas atingidas, por um “grandes projeto”, a UHE Belo Monte, construída no rio Xingu, Amazônia brasileira. Estes “grandes objetos” promovem a re(des)estruturação dos territórios onde são implantados, causando fortes impactos as espacialidades existentes e historicamente constituídas de ribeirinhos, camponeses, indígenas, bem como de moradores da periferia da cidade de Altamira – Pará – Amazônia. Analisamos então a força “espoliadora” destes grandes empreendimentos sobre as populações “subalternizadas”, a partir de uma proposição teórica de base escalar, que envolve considerar o espaço como “polimorfo”. Espaço-espacialidade, a técnica e a escala foram usados como instrumentais metodológicos para a realização da leitura de nossa realidade empírica. Os impactos à escala da vida das pessoas “desterritorializadas” seja na mobilidade seja na imobilidade se fazem sentir, tendo em vista à condição espacial de pertencimento, apropriação e identificação que diferentes sujeitos exercem junto a seus territórios e lugares. Não obstante, como respostas a esse processo espoliador, são verificados uma série de estratégias de luta e resistência em relação a projetos de cunho “desenvolvimentistas”. Apesar da condução da obra com mãos de ferro, por parte do Estado brasileiro, constituiu-se forte oposição ao projeto UHE Belo Monte. Movimentos Sociais de distintas escalas de atuação, de diferentes locais no planeta, juntaram-se aos impactados de Altamira e região, constituindo, assim, um grande campo de enfrentamento contra a concepção “biopolítica” aplicada pelo governo brasileiro e pelo capital nacional e internacional. Esse enfrentamento feito a partir dos pobres do campo e da cidade e pelas populações tradicionais, sob a liderança dos movimentos sociais (“Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre”, “Movimento de Mulheres”) de Altamira e região, somados a importante atuação do Ministério Público Federal, Defensoria Pública do Estado do Pará e a atuação de ONGs (como Instituto Socioambiental), lutou e luta para garantir que a territorialidade e lugaridade dos sujeitos socioespacialmente atingidos, pelo conjunto de obras e ações que deram origem a UHE Belo Monte possa, de alguma forma, ser compensada. Uma intensa e duradoura luta social se travou/trava na região do Xingu para que os efeitos des(re)estruturadores deste “grande projeto” possam ser (de alguma maneira) compensados. Essa luta dos sujeitos hegemonizados/subalternizados a qual chamou-se “centralidades insurgentes”, que se estabeleceu entre sujeitos de poder político e econômico (acentuadamente) assimétrico e desigual, estando o Estado brasileiro e o Capital de um lado e, estando do outro os socioespacialmente atingidos e sua rede de proteção, gerou profundos conflitos de natureza espacial. Em que pese as importantes conquistas dos movimentos sociais e dos atingidos, a força do “estado de exceção” usado para implantar UHE Belo Monte pelo Governo Brasileiro, em pleno período democrático, promoveu impactos à escala da vida das pessoas que são imensurável e irreparável. Implicando a necessidade de proposição e de investimentos em outras e novas formas (fontes) de geração de energia no Brasil e na Amazônia como caminho para superação deste quadro de espoliações, que é produto do “ajuste espacial” do capitalismo. / This thesis analyzed socio-spatial impacts on the life scales of people affected by a "big project", the Belo Monte HPP, built on the Xingu River, Brazilian Amazon. These "great objects" promote the re - de - structuring of the territories where they are implanted, causing a strong impact on the existing and historically constituted spatiality of river dwellers, peasants, natives, as well as residents of the outskirts of the city of Altamira - Pará - Amazônia. We then analyze the "spoiling" force of these large enterprises on "subalternized" populations, based on a scalar-based theoretical proposition, which involves considering space as a "polymorph". Space-spatiality, technique and scale were used as methodological tools for the realization of the reading of our empirical reality. The life-scale impacts of "deterritorialized" people on both mobility and immobility are felt in view of the spatial condition of belonging, appropriation and identification that different subjects carry out in their territories and places. Nonetheless, as a response to this spillover process, a series of strategies of struggle and resistance are verified in relation to "developmentalist" projects. Despite the Brazilian government's hand in hand with iron hands, it was a strong opposition to the Belo Monte HPP project. Social Movements of different scales of action, from different places on the planet, joined the impacted ones of Altamira and region, constituting, therefore, a great field of confrontation against the "biopolitical" conception applied by the Brazilian government and the national and international capital. This confrontation was carried out by the rural and urban poor and by the traditional populations, under the leadership of the social movements ("Xingu Movement Vivo Para Semper", "Women's Movement") of Altamira and region, together with the important work of the Public Ministry Federal, Public Defender of the State of Pará and the work of NGOs (as a Socio-Environmental Institute), fought and struggled to ensure that the territoriality and place of the socio-residents affected by the set of works and actions that gave rise to Belo Monte HPP somehow, be compensated. An intense and enduring social struggle has caught on in the Xingu region so that the (re) structuring effects of this "big project" can be (somehow) offset. This struggle of the hegemonized / subalternized subjects, which was called "insurgent centralities", was established between subjects of politically and economically (asymmetric) and unequal economic power, the Brazilian State and Capital being on one side and, on the other spatially affected and its protection network, has generated deep conflicts of a spatial nature. Despite the important achievements of social movements and those affected, the strength of the "state of exception" used to implant Belo Monte Power Plant by the Brazilian Government, in the midst of a democratic period, has promoted impacts on the scale of people's lives that are immeasurable and irreparable. Implicating the need to propose and invest in other and new forms (sources) of energy generation in Brazil and the Amazon as a way to overcome this scenario of spoliation, which is a product of the "spatial adjustment" of capitalism. / Esta tesis analizó los impactos socioespaciales a las escalas de la vida de las personas afectadas, por un "gran proyecto", la UHE Belo Monte, construida en el río Xingu, Amazonia brasileña. Los "grandes objetos" promueven la reestructura de los territorios donde se implantan, causando fuertes impactos las espacialidades existentes e históricamente constituidas de ribereños, campesinos, indígenas, así como de moradores de la periferia de la ciudad de Altamira - Pará - Amazonia. Analizamos entonces la fuerza "espoliadora" de estos grandes emprendimientos sobre las poblaciones "subalternizadas", a partir de una proposición teórica de base escalar, que implica considerar el espacio como "polimorfo". La espacialidad, la técnica y la escala se utilizaron como instrumentos metodológicos para la realización de la lectura de nuestra realidad empírica. Los impactos a la escala de la vida de las personas "desterritorializadas" ya sea en la movilidad o en la inmovilidad se hacen sentir, teniendo en vista la condición espacial de pertenencia, apropiación e identificación que diferentes sujetos ejercen junto a sus territorios y lugares. No obstante, como respuestas a ese proceso espoliador, se verifican una serie de estrategias de lucha y resistencia en relación a proyectos de cuño "desarrollistas". A pesar de la conducción de la obra con manos de hierro, por parte del Estado brasileño, se constituyó una fuerte oposición al proyecto UHE Belo Monte. Los movimientos sociales de distintas escalas de actuación, de diferentes lugares en el planeta, se unieron a los impactados de Altamira y región, constituyendo así un gran campo de enfrentamiento contra la concepción "biopolítica" aplicada por el gobierno brasileño y por el capital nacional e internacional. Este enfrentamiento hecho a partir de los pobres del campo y de la ciudad y por las poblaciones tradicionales, bajo el liderazgo de los movimientos sociales (Movimiento de Mujeres) de Altamira y región, sumados a la importante actuación del Ministerio Público (Por ejemplo, el Instituto Socioambiental), luchó y lucha para garantizar que la territorialidad y lugar de los sujetos socioespacialmente afectados, por el conjunto de obras y acciones que dieron origen a la UHE Belo Monte, alguna forma, ser compensada. Una intensa y duradera lucha social se trabó / traba en la región del Xingu para que los efectos des (re) estructuradores de este "gran proyecto" puedan ser (de alguna manera) compensados. Esta lucha de los sujetos hegemonizados / subalternizados a la que se llamó "centralidades insurgentes", que se estableció entre sujetos de poder político y económico (acentuadamente) asimétrico y desigual, estando el Estado brasileño y el Capital de un lado y, estando del otro, socioespacialmente afectados y su red de protección, generó profundos conflictos de naturaleza espacial. En cuanto a las importantes conquistas de los movimientos sociales y de los afectados, la fuerza del "estado de excepción" usado para implantar a Belo Monte por el Gobierno brasileño, en pleno período democrático, promovió impactos a la escala de la vida de las personas que son inmensurables e irreparables. En el caso de Brasil, en la Amazonia, el proceso de superación de este cuadro de espolones, que es producto del "ajuste espacial" del capitalismo, implica la necesidad de proposición y de inversiones en otras y nuevas formas (fuentes) de generación de energía en Brasil y en la Amazonia.

Nos recherches sont basées sur l'étude des villages montagnards de Lattaquié qui étaient, à partir des années 1960, le théâtre d'un mouvement intense d'émigration résultant, d'une part, de la pauvreté des terres agricoles et donc de l'impossibilité de l'exploiter pour satisfaire les besoins vitaux, et d'autre part, du fait que la région de Lattaquié représente la région d'origine du pouvoir politique. L'état Ba'thiste a suivi ses démarches pour intégrer les habitants de Lattaquié, zone minoritaire sur le plan national, au sein des autres régions dont les habitants représentent la majorité ethnique en Syrie.Ces dernières années, suite au développement survenu dans ces villages, beaucoup d'habitants ont quitté les lieux d'accueil pour revenir à leur village natal.Les migrants de retour, après avoir ramené des fonds et s'être adaptés aux particularités d'urbanité, ont transformé les campagnes à tous les niveaux. Ce nouveau type de vie, apporté par les revenants à leurs villages d'origine avec beaucoup de modifications sociales, a conféré une nouvelle forme aux villages de la campagne montagnarde de Lattaquié, différentes de la situation antérieure de ces villages et plus précisément avant l'arrivée du parti Ba'th au pouvoir dans les années 1960.Pour connaître la configuration actuelle de la campagne montagnarde de Lattaquié, il est nécessaire de poser la question suivante:Dans quelle mesure la transformation de la vie sociale dans les villages de montagne de Lattaquié influence-t-elle la configuration architecturale et urbanistique de ces villages? / Our research is based on the study of mountain villages of Latakia who were from the 1960s, the scene of intense emigration movement resulting , on the one hand , poverty of agricultural land and therefore the inability to operate to meet the vital needs , and secondly , because the region of Latakia is the region of origin of political power. The Ba'athist state followed its efforts to integrate people of Latakia , minority area on the national level in other regions whose inhabitants are ethnic majority in Syria.In recent years, following the development occurred in these villages, many people have left the area to return home to their native village.Returnees , after bringing funds and have adapted to the particularities of urbanity , transformed campaigns at all levels .This new type of life , brought by ghosts in their home villages with many social changes , has given a new shape to the mountain villages of the countryside of Lattakia , different from the previous situation of these villages and specifically before arrival of the ruling Baath party in the 1960s .For the current configuration of the mountain countryside of Latakia , it is necessary to ask the following question:To what extent the transformation of social life in the mountain villages of Latakia she influences the architectural and urban configuration of these villages?