Situé au croisement de l'histoire sociale des idées politiques et de la théorie sociologique de l'État, ce mémoire de maîtrise effectue une excursion dans la sociologie historique de l'État de Derek Sayer. À partir de deux ouvrages majeurs de Derek Sayer, soit The Great Arch : English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Corrigan et Sayer, 1985) et The Coasts of Bohemia : A Czech History (Sayer, 1998), l'auteur tente de retracer l'évolution de la sociologie historique de l'État de celui-ci. Afin d'y arriver, il porte une attention particulière aux différentes transformations axiomatiques (autant thématiques, épistémologiques que méthodologiques) manifestes dans l'analyse comparative de ces deux ouvrages. Plus spécifiquement, ce mémoire cherche à répondre à la question suivante : Qu'est-ce qui amena Derek Sayer à développer de nouveaux outils théoriques et à réorienter ses préoccupations académiques? Par la mobilisation de différents niveaux d'analyse contextuelle (contexte sociolinguistique, contexte sociopolitique, contexte biographique), l'auteur souligne le jeu constant entre ces différents niveaux dans l'éclairage de la trajectoire de Derek Sayer. La conclusion à laquelle arrive ce mémoire est que l'œuvre de Derek Sayer est traversée par plusieurs fils conducteurs qui relativisent la thèse d'un changement radical de sa sociologie historique où matérialisme historique et poststructuralisme se tiendraient aux deux extrémités d'un axe théorique. Le changement de posture théorique est analysé non pas comme une rupture, mais plutôt comme la radicalisation d'éléments théoriques et sociologiques présents depuis le début de sa trajectoire. À partir de l'exemple de Sayer, l'auteur termine en remettant en question l'interprétation que plusieurs marxistes ont faite du passage de la théorie marxiste aux théories postmarxistes. Plutôt que de concevoir cette transition comme une fuite pathologique du marxisme vers le nihilisme, l'auteur montre que ce passage est une façon d'assumer les conséquences de la critique de la réification déjà présente dans certains développements du marxisme occidental. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Derek Sayer, sociologie historique, histoire sociale des idées politiques, théories sociologiques de l'État, capitalisme, abstraction, poststructuralisme.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Science politique : Lille 2 : 2008. / Titre provenant de la page de titre du document numérisé. Bibliogr. p. 440-493.

Thèse (M.A.)--Université Laval, 2007. / Bibliogr.: f. [82]-90. Webographie: f. 90. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.

Th. univ.--Hist.--Paris 1, 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 349-391.

Diss.--Berlin--Technische Universität, 1994. / Bibliogr. p. 237-261.

Aujourd’hui, un discours dominant affirme que le travail humanitaire est devenu dangereux. Face à l’insécurité croissante, les organisations humanitaires ont développé de nouvelles politiques de sécurité afin de mieux protéger le personnel et les infrastructures. En se fondant sur la sociologie des professions d’Abbott, ainsi que sur la théorie du pouvoir de Bourdieu, cette thèse propose une sociologie politique internationale de la professionnalisation de la sécurité humanitaire. Afin de combler les lacunes des explications et des critiques de la sécurité humanitaire, ce travail examine les conditions de possibilités à l’émergence d’un microcosme de professionnels. Du fait de cette transformation de la division du travail, les humanitaires considèrent désormais que certaines des populations les plus nécessiteuses se trouvent au-delà des limites raisonnables du sacrifice. En comparant le coût de la perte d’une « vie d’humanitaire » à la valeur potentielle du sauvetage des vies, les humanitaires participent à l’intensification des inégalités mondiales. Les humanitaires ne contentent plus seulement d’atténuer la souffrance de lointains étrangers, mais ils contribuent aussi à redéfinir la notion de « populations dans le besoin », en les étiquetant comme « populations dangereuses ». Ainsi, la mise en place de la sécurité comme sens pratique de l’humanitaire inverse les impératifs humanitaires fondés sur le sauvetage des vies et sur la défense d’une humanité partagée. Tout en contribuant aux débats sur la sécurité humanitaire, cette thèse participe également à faire avancer les études sur les élites transnationales, sur la sécurité et sur les organisations internationales. / In recent years, a dominant discourse has emerged asserting that humanitarian work has become a dangerous profession. In response to growing insecurity in the field, humanitarian organizations have developed new security policies to better protect humanitarian staff and infrastructures. Drawing from Andrew Abbott’s historical sociology of professions and Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory of power, this thesis proposes an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security. To address the shortcomings of normative-functionalist explanations and poststructuralist critiques of humanitarian security, this thesis examines the conditions of possibility fostering the emergence of a microcosm of humanitarian security professionals. As a consequence of this transformation in the division of humanitarian labor, humanitarian organizations now classify some of world’s neediest populations as beyond the limits of reasonable sacrifice. In the production of this exclusion, humanitarian actors reconstruct “populations in need” as “dangerous populations.” By weighing the cost of the loss of a “humanitarian life” against the potential value of saving the lives of needy others, humanitarian actors contribute to the intensification of global divides in their quest for a common humanity. In sum, the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice is analyzed as a driving force of the inversion of the humanitarian imperative to save lives and act in defense of a shared humanity. Contributing to debates on humanitarian security, this thesis also advances the study of international organizations, security, and transnational power elites.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L’une des principales sources de changement dans le système de santé est actuellement la numérisation et la mise en réseau technique, se traduisant par le développement de la télémédecine. Si cette « médecine à distance », utilisant les TIC, a pu se résumer en quelques expérimentations menées essentiellement dans le cadre hospitalier, le gouvernement entend lui donné une nouvelle impulsion. Elle doit constituer un facteur clé d’amélioration de la performance du système de santé. Son usage dans les territoires doit incarner une réponse organisationnelle et technique aux nombreux défis épidémiologiques, démographiques et économiques auxquels fait face le système de santé aujourd’hui. Cette recherche apour but de contribuer à établir le sens social et politique du développement de la télémédecine. Il s’agit de cerner de façon systématique et dans leur ensemble les dynamiques qui conduisent ce changement, tout en mettant en avant les conséquences dans la démarche de soin classique au niveau des usagers. Analyse des politiques publiques et étude du changement technologique se fondent dans l’approche choisie de la sociologie politique des usages. Ancrée au confluent du modèle des politiques publiques et de la sociologie de l’innovation, la recherche a permis d’identifier et d’expliquer les principales dynamiques conditionnant le processus de développement de la télémédecine, en partant des politiques publiques jusqu’à la mise en place des technologies. La télémédecine est la fois le moteur et le résultat de la réformede la modernisation du système de santé. Son référentiel est fortement imprégné par les exigences de rationalisation et de gestion du réseau socio-sanitaire et demeure principalement légitimé par des critères de rentabilité et de performance qui sont probablement incompatibles avec l’efficience clinique et thérapeutique des services de soins. La télémédecine pourrait rendre de nombreux services dans la gestion des activités humaines et professionnelles, par une gestion davantage réfléchie, concertée et planifiée du changement technologique / One the main source of change in the health service system is the digitization and Networking technique wich can be seen in the development of telemedicine. If this « medicine at distance », using ITC, could be summed up in a few experiments in the hospital field, the government wants to give it a new impulse. It must be the key to improve the health service system. Its use in the territories must embody an organizational and technical answer epidemiological, demographic and economic numerous challenges, to wich the health system has to face nowadays. This investigation is aimed at contributing to settle the social and political meaning of telemedicine development. One has to identify systematically and in the whole the forces which lead to this change, while at the same time highlighting the consequences in users the classical approach. The analysis of the public politics and the study of the technological change convey in the political sociology uses. Anchored between the public politic model and the sociological innovation, the investigation has allowed to identify and explain the main dynamics which influence the telemedicine development process, starting by the public policies to the implémentation of technologies. The telemedicine is both the impulse and the result of the health service system modernization reform. Itsrepository is strongly influenced by the rationalizing of the requirements and the management of the health and social network and remains mainly legitimized by profitability and performance criterias which are probably incompatible with clinical and therapeutic efficiency of health services. The telemedicine could make many services in the management of human and Professional activities, thank to a management more thought, concerted, planed of the technologic change

L’objectif principal de cette thèse consiste à retracer et analyser les récits nationaux azerbaïdjanais depuis la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu’en 2003. Il s’agit de s’interroger sur l’évolution des récits nationaux et d’analyser la construction discursive de l’identité azerbaïdjanaise. L’interrogation approfondie de la bibliographie spécialisée nous a révélé que cette question est insuffisamment développée jusqu’ici.Par son objet, cette recherche se situe au croisement de l’histoire politique azerbaïdjanaise et de la sociologie politique. Nous privilégions donc l’approche historique du politique. Comme méthode principale, l’analyse du discours s’effectue sur la base des données empiriques, collectées pendant l’enquête de terrain et la recherche documentaire. Il s’agit, entre autres, de données disponibles en plusieurs langues (azerbaïdjanais, russe, turc et anglais), d’entretiens d’experts, ainsi que d’articles de presse (formelle et informelle) des périodes étudiées.Les hypothèses que nous avançons et que nous essayons d’étayer par notre étude sont les suivantes :conformément à la première hypothèse, le profil sociologique des acteurs détermine le contenu et le caractère du discours. Par conséquent, les récits nationaux de personnes représentant différentes socialisations sont susceptibles d’être en contradiction les uns par rapport aux autres. Quant à la deuxième hypothèse, elle est basée sur la « triade relationnelle » de Rogers Brubaker, qui suggère que les récits nationaux des pays succédant aux empires d’Europe orientale sont cadrés par des dénominateurs communs. Ces dénominateurs sont le nationalisme nationalisant, y compris la rhétorique victimaire sur la majorité ethnique du pays, les minorités ethniques vivant sur le territoire et les co-ethnies vivant au-delà des frontières du pays.Cette recherche s’organise en deux parties. Le cadre d’analyse général de ce travail ainsi que les bases analytiques et théoriques sont présentés dans l’introduction. La première partie porte un regard sur la genèse et l’évolution de l’idée nationale azerbaïdjanaise. Tout d’abord, nous nous concentrons sur la période allant de la fin du XIXe siècle à la fin de la période soviétique. Ensuite, nous consacrons un chapitre entier au développement de l’idée d’Azerbaïdjan lors du mouvement contestataire de 1985-1992. L’analyse de cette période se fait à l’aide d’articles de la presse formelle et informelle de l’époque. La deuxième partie permet d’analyser la construction discursive post-soviétique par deux présidents de la République d’Azerbaïdjan, dont Abulfaz Elchibey (1992-1993) et Heydar Aliyev (1993-2003). Cette analyse comparative s’effectue sur la base de leurs communications publiées dans la presse et dans d’autres sources que nous avons compilées.Sur le plan analytique, cette recherche développe le fait que les théories testées adoptent une vision très tranchée entre différentes visions de construction nationale azerbaïdjanaise. Le présent travail prend en compte la complexité de la construction discursive en Azerbaïdjan et toutes les nuances qui se situent entre ces deux options.Ce travail nous permet de constater que les récit nationaux bottom-up a, de manière générale, des dimensions turciques. En même temps, la territorialité et la langue constituent l’essentiel du récit national top-down. Pourtant, il existe des aspects communs des récits nationaux successifs, notamment des récits post-soviétiques. Il s’agit de la rhétorique victimaire et la reconnaissance, à des degrés variés, des co- ethniques vivant dans des pays voisins comme azerbaïdjanais. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En décembre 2010, l'Espagne est devenue le pays avec le réseau à grande vitesse (GV) le plus étendu en Europe. Et au cours des années suivantes, les réalisations en cours augurent une mise en service progressive de nouvelles lignes. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir comment cette situation a été atteinte. Nous faisons l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'évolution de la GV espagnole est la conséquence directe de la façon dont cette politique publique a existé au niveau politique. En nous intéressant aux dynamiques de politisation d'une politique publique et en mobilisant deux traditions sociologiques différentes (la sociologie des champs et la sociologie des régimes d'énonciations), nous analysons la façon dont la GV est présente dans les différents lieux du politique (arènes) et est énoncée politiquement. L'analyse de ces dynamiques de politisation a été effectuée en trois temps. La première partie de notre recherche montre la façon dont le mythe politique de la GV s'est construit en Espagne à partir de la fin des années 1980 à la suite de la réalisation du premier projet de ligne à GV entre Madrid et Séville. Dans une deuxième partie, nous identifions trois cycles de politique publique au cours des années 1990 et 2000 qui ont abouti, à travers la production d'un consensus politique, à un fort développement de la GV. La dernière partie de notre thèse s'intéresse à l'émergence d'une controverse autour de la GV à travers le renforcement des forums de politiques publiques alternatifs et le déclenchement d'une dynamique de politisation divergente