The access to technology, the effects of instant information and the emergence of an increasingly empowered global citizen have contributed to the fundamental shift of the global political and economic landscape over the last twenty years. In consequence, the soft-power resources are becoming more and more important components of nation's foreign policy. Foreign policy instruments of public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy can effectively utilize such soft-power resources in order to assert foreign policy goals by purposefully supporting wide range of cultural and artistic activities. It is the aim of the thesis to examine both the direct and indirect impacts of artistic production on societies with various degrees of democratic culture and in connection to elaborate on the relevance of the right to freedom of artistic expression and creativity. The essential aim of this thesis is to look at the role that art production plays in the development of a democratic society.

This thesis examines India’s exercise of its powers that it utilizes in its foreign policy on the international arena. The aim of the study is to determine what international power India can be classified as, and whether it achieves the goals of either being a great- or superpower. This is done by analysing not only the conventional concept of power, that being the hard power concept, but also the relatively newly conceived concept of soft power, originally conceived by the American political scientist Joseph Nye in the 1990s. Therefore, the research methodology is comprised of a theory consuming case study. The following question is being asked: What kind of international power is India? The conclusions being presented illustrate a foreign policy limited in its scope of influence, plagued mostly by institutional impediments due to limited budgets and thus limited resources in both concepts of power. Consequently, India cannot be classified either as a superpower nor a greatpower, but more as a regional one.

This study focuses on use of foreign-policy power by Georgia on USA, EU member states and Russia during 2004-2012. In this period, Georgia wanted to enter into alliance with USA and EU states and gain access to Euro-Atlantic organizations, European Union and NATO. At the same time, Georgia wanted to reduce Russian influence on Georgian soil. After a few months of the new Georgian regime it was clear that the relation with its big neighbor will be difficult, mainly because of the two separatist republics on Georgian-Russian border, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The aim of this study is to determine categories of power that Georgia used to achieve its goals. The study uses concepts of small state and power in international relations. Besides, it uses Nye's concept of soft and hard power. For influencing Western states Georgia chose the combination of soft and hard power. Soft power of Georgia has been mainly based on presentation of attractive values - pro-Western thinking a democracy - which should have attracted Western support. To a lower extent, foreign policy and culture were also used as sources of soft power. Georgia's hard power consisted of security importance and economic and political value of the country. In case of Russia, Georgia used only tools of hard power which included harsh rhetoric...

This diploma thesis is a case study focused on Polish public diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy and its changes between 2005 and 2019. The way how public diplomacy is exercised in the Polish case is significantly influenced by two factors - the size of the country or rather its influence and its geographic location, which is closely connected with particular societal, political and economic features with relation to the country's history. The aim of the thesis is to find out what are the foundations of polish public diplomacy, how it has been changed within the studied period and what it tells us about public diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy and the possibility of domestic actors to influence it. There is a deep cleavage between the two main political parties, which have alternated in government since 2005, and their preferences in domestic and foreign policy. Based on the outputs of Polish public diplomacy in four spheres - nation branding, cultural diplomacy, historical diplomacy and communication channels - and in organizational framework, the thesis analyses the interconnection between public diplomacy and foreign policy and also the strategy of Polish public diplomacy, taking into account the alternation of governing parties.

The thesis evaluates the work and the meaning of the Czech-German Future Fund as one of the key players in the role of deepening and hardening the Czech-German relations. The institution is characterized by the concepts of the soft power and of the reconciliation. The sources of the soft power are directly connected with the concept of the reconciliation. Namely it works with the sources of the foreign policy, the culture and the political values. These are connected with the prolongation of the Fund, Czech-German Journalist Prices and the announcement of the Topic of the Year. The Czech-German Fund was established on the basis of the Czech-German Declaration and its time of existence was initially restricted to 10 years. However, since its establishment in the year 1997 its existence has been extended twice already. The main aim of the work is to characterize the Czech- German Future Fund as a unique organisation of its kind on the background of the evolution of the Czech-German relationship. Besides the main concept of the soft power the work uses the concept of the reconciliation. Especially the four phases of the institution evaluation after the model of Lily Gardner Feldman: circumscription, growth, consolidation, revaluation. In the work, the both concepts are connected and examined closely...

This diploma thesis examines the Norwegian policy of cooperation in Education and Research as a soft-power tool for Norway's foreign policy. Within a European context, three levels of Norway's participation in Education and Research programmes will be analyzed. The first level is Norway's cooperation policy toward the EU, though as a weaker actor. The second is Norway's value of cooperation as an equal partner, which is typical in the Nordic region. And the third is cooperation via EEA Grants and Norway Grants, in which Norway is a dominant player. This thesis combines a theory of international cooperation and Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye's theory of soft-power, complex interdependence and asymmetry of relations between the participants. In the research, a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods are used. This thesis reveals that Norway decreases the financial spending to the areas where it has more influence and can utilize more of its soft power, while it also invests into areas where it plays the role of substandard actor. An explanation is found in the theory of international cooperation and the game of Chicken, where the longstanding and successful corporation strives to achieve a compromise rather than a win, i.e. to moderate any power fluctuation and strive for an equilibrium state.

With the aim to embark on the theoretical debate on soft and hard power, this study uses the territorial dispute between the ROK and Japan over the Dokdo/Takeshima Islands to illustrate how the common scholarly understanding of the two power concepts are incorrect and misleading. While soft power and hard power are commonly recognized as two antithetical types of power within the theoretical debate, I argue that they are in fact linked and cannot be divided into separate forms of power. Using a Foucauldian approach to discourse analysis, the thesis replaces the concepts of soft power and hard power with the concepts of representational force and physical force to showcase how representational force can enable and legitimize the use of physical force. The thesis is able to identify how the governments of the ROK and Japan exercise representational force and legitimize the use of physical force against each other, despite them being in a trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. Consequently, the study illustrates how the concepts of soft and hard power should be better understood within the theoretical debate.

In the context of Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, this paper provides a comparative analysis of China's neocolonialism and smart power strategies through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The study analyzes the economic, political, and social consequences of China's growing presence in these nations and offers a deeper comprehension of their position in the region by drawing on a wide range of theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence. The research starts out by examining the idea of neocolonialism and how it relates to China's involvement in the area. It explores into a critical analysis of China's debt-trap diplomacy, which raised concerns regarding the BRI projects' long-term economic viability and political influence. The paper also looks into how China uses smart power as a strategic tool to expand its influence in the region, emphasizing on smart power programs, economic development, and cultural diplomacy.

This thesis examines how member nations manage their national identities within the supranational context of the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) and the significance of the ESC in creating a shared European identity. Patterns of identification and attitudes relating to culture, ethnicity/nationality, religion/faith, and gender/sex are discovered by studying the winning submissions from 1998 to 2022 through content analysis and discourse analysis. The ESC acts as a soft power instrument by encouraging member nations' sense of solidarity and cultivating respect for and understanding of other cultures. It serves as a platform for cross- cultural dialogue, self-promotion, and nation branding, fostering diplomatic connections and providing opportunities for commercial and cultural exchanges.  The ESC emphasizes the dichotomy between national and European identity, but it also demonstrates how these identities intersect and support one another. It advances the formation of a European identity while giving states a forum to showcase their national and cultural identities. The ESC influences notions of European identity and defines what it means to be European.

This thesis examines Swedish values from the perspectives of international and Swedish students residing in Sweden, with the collaboration of the Swedish Institute—a public agency focused on enhancing Sweden’s global image and attractiveness to researchers, students, and talents. The research explores the field of nation branding, public diplomacy, and soft power. The study aims to analyze the interpretation and understanding of Swedish values among individuals with international backgrounds and compare it to the perspective of local students. Drawing upon the framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of public diplomacy and soft power, the paper emphasizes the importance of understanding how international students perceive Swedish values and how these perceptions are influenced by their experiences. The research questions address the values associated with Sweden before and after students’ arrival, the valence attributed to these values, and the opinions and perceptions of international students regarding the values promoted through studyinsweden.se channels, particularly the concept of "The Swedish Way." A qualitative study employing thematic analysis was conducted, including two focus groups and a survey. Five main themes emerged from the analysis: (1) The Democratic way of Sweden, (2) The Image of Swedes, (3) Conflicting values in Swedish society, (4) Differences in values across regions and over time, and (5) The Idealization of Sweden. Notably, values strongly associated with Sweden were connected to democracy, including Equality, Freedom, Socialism, Individualism, and Collectivism. Other values perceived as Swedish encompassed sustainability, Jante Law, Lagom, calmness, diplomacy, conflict-avoidance, friendship, understanding, politeness, tolerance, and open-mindedness. The findings reveal that international students often hold an idealized view of Sweden, leading to a shift in their perspective upon arrival. Swedish students, on the other hand, note changes in Swedish values over time, with increased perceptions of bigotry and racism and decreased emphasis on inclusivity and openness. While participants generally held positive perspectives on Swedish values, there were also indications of negative perceptions, such as bigotry and racism. Participants expressed some agreement with the values promoted by the Swedish Institute but also pointed out instances where the promotion did not align with the reality of Sweden. This research contributes to understanding how international students perceive Swedish values both before and after their arrival, filling a gap in international students’ perceptions of Sweden. The findings highlight the importance of balancing the promotion of Sweden’s attractive aspects with a realistic portrayal, utilizing milder expressions and focusing on factual evidence of sustainability and equality. By actively examining and addressing perceptions, Sweden can enhance its nation branding efforts and attract a diverse pool of talented individuals. / Den här uppsatsen undersöker svenska värderingar ur perspektivet hos internationella och svenska studenter som vistas i Sverige, i samarbete med det Svenska Institutet - en offentlig myndighet inriktad på att förbättra Sveriges globala bild och attraktivitet för forskare, studenter och talanger. Forskningen utforskar området nation branding, offentlig diplomati, och mjuk makt. Studien syftar till att analysera tolkningen och förståelsen av svenska värderingar hos studenter med internationella bakgrunder och jämföra detta med perspektivet hos lokala studenter. Med utgångspunkt i Joseph Nyes ramverk för public diplomacy och soft power betonar avhandlingen vikten av att förstå hur internationella studenter uppfattar svenska värderingar och hur dessa uppfattningar påverkas av deras erfarenheter. Forskningsfrågorna behandlar de värderingar som associeras med Sverige före och efter studenternas ankomst, valensen som tillskrivs dessa värderingar, samt internationella studenters åsikter och uppfattningar om värderingarna som främjas genom studyinsweden.se kanalerna, med fokus på konceptet "The Swedish Way". En kvalitativ studie med tematisk analys genomfördes, inklusive två fokusgrupper och en enkätundersökning. Fem huvudteman framkom genom analysen: (1) Den Svenska Demokratiska Vägen, (2) Bilden av svenskar, (3) Värderingskonflikter i det svenska samhället, (4) Skillnader i värderingar mellan olika regioner och över tid, samt (5) Idealiseringen av Sverige. De värderingar som var starkt förknippade med Sverige var kopplat till demokrati, till exempel, Jämlikhet, Frihet, Socialism, Individualism och Kollektivism. Andra värderingar som uppfattades som svenska var hållbarhet, Jantelagen, Lagom, lugn, diplomati, undvikande av konflikter, vänskap, förståelse, artighet, tolerans och öppenhet. Resultaten visar att många internationella studenter har en idealiserad syn på Sverige, vilket leder till en förändring i deras perspektiv vid ankomsten. Svenska studenter noterar däremot förändringar i svenska värderingar över tid, med ökad uppfattning om fördomar och rasism samt minskad betoning på inkludering och öppenhet. Även om deltagarna generellt hade positiva perspektiv på svenska värderingar fanns det även indikationer på negativa uppfattningar som fördomar och rasism. Deltagarna uttryckte viss samstämmighet med de värderingar som främjas av det Svenska Institutet men påpekade också situationer där främjandet inte överensstämde med verkligheten i Sverige. Denna forskning bidrar till förståelsen av hur internationella studenter uppfattar svenska värderingar både före och efter deras ankomst och fyller en kunskapslucka kring internationella studenters syn på Sverige. Resultaten understryker vikten av att balansera främjandet av Sveriges attraktiva sidor med en realistisk framställning, genom att använda mildare uttryck och fokusera på konkreta bevis för hållbarhet och jämlikhet. Genom att aktivt undersöka uppfattningarna kan Sverige förbättra sina ansträngningar inom nation branding och locka till sig en mångfald av talangfulla individer.