The aim of this essay was to examine what problems, causes and solutions three Swedish governments identified concerning three decisions of cooperation with NATO, and to understand these decisions with constructivism and hard and soft power as theoretical perspectives. The first was the decision to join Partnership for Peace in 1994. The second decision was to join the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in 1997. The third decision was to join a host nation support with NATO in 2016. The analysis showed that problems regarding PfP was an unpredictable security situation, caused by the fall of the Soviet Union. This gave rise to new conflicts, e.g. the conflict in Yugoslavia. Russia was identified as a problem also regarding the EAPC, caused by a Russian superpower identity. Problems identified before joining the HNS was that Russia was aggressive and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula Crimea in 2014. This was caused by the Russian leadership prioritizing the defence sector. The identified problems and causes can be understood with the theory of hard power, since the Russian hard power resources are wielded both within and outside of Russia. Constructivism is useful to understand what solutions the governments proposed, since they often express an ambition to build a common identity, while keeping the Swedish identity as non-aligned. Also, soft power resources made the alliance more attractive for the Swedish governments.

在台灣內部產、官、學界對於「開放陸生來台」議題，於政治、經濟、教育層面產生諸多正反討論之際，本研究深度訪談40位大陸地區交換學生，試圖由政策實施對象瞭解大陸地區交換學生在台現況、釐清大陸地區學生來台攻讀大專院校學位之意願以及檢視開放陸生來台政策內容。 過往涉及大陸學歷認證與開放陸生來台政策的相關文獻，多將研究主題著重於探討兩岸關係，如權力、政治菁英、意識型態等影響政策制定過程的決定因素。本研究則以「全球化」、「知識經濟」與「軟實力」的概念探討「開放陸生來台」政策，本研究焦點置於全球競爭時代中，吸收一流人才提升國家競爭力的重要性。 本研究針對受訪者的人口特徵、大陸地區交換學生來台動機、大陸地區交換學生在台現況、大陸地區學生來台就學意願進行分析，從受訪者對開放陸生來台政策之相關反應，整理歸納台灣吸引大陸地區學生來台攻讀高等教育學位之主要優勢，並預測台灣可能吸收之大陸學生類型。 根據主要研究發現，本研究之具體政策建議如下：1. 以香港、新加坡招收陸生政策為借鏡，放寬相關限制。2. 政府應投注更多資金與優惠政策協助各大專院校建立良好口碑，前往大陸地區進行「針對性、目的性」宣傳。3. 政府應對大陸地區學生展開大規模調查研究，瞭解其需求以作調整改進。4. 政府機關應培養兩岸優秀談判人才。 在未來研究方向的建議部分，應針對第一波來台留學之大陸地區學生進行後續追蹤研究，向大陸高校學生進行來台攻讀學位之意願調查，並針對亞太地區的招收陸生留學政策做更詳盡的比較分析，以期對開放陸生來台政策的施行進行有效之相關配套措施規劃，提升大陸地區學生來台就學意願，達到兩岸雙贏局面。 / Under the effects of globalization, attracting talents to improve national competitiveness has become a top priority for all countries in the world. Adopting to globalization, knowledge-based economy and soft power, this research intends to answer the following questions: （1） What is the current situation of mainland exchange students in Taiwan? （2） What are the factors affecting mainland students’ willingness to gain higher education degree in Taiwan? （3） How mainland exchange students subjectively interpret the open policy in allowing mainland students study in Taiwan universities? Through in-depth interviews and analysis of relevant policy making, this research tries to deduce the motivations and willingness of mainland students moving to Taiwan for higher education. Since no registered mainland students gained academic degree in Taiwan, the author interviewed and discussed with 40 mainland exchange students to identify Taiwan’s attractiveness and advantages compared to other opponents, such as Hong Kong and Singapore in the Greater China Area. The main research findings are: （1）The aspiration to go abroad, the limited opportunity to cross border, the convenience of using the same language, the attraction of Taiwan culture and the tough restriction to access Taiwan are the five main reasons why mainland exchange students choose Taiwan to visit. （2） Different degree of competitive pressure on students makes the distinct higher education circumstances between Mainland China and Taiwan. （3） The advantageous overseas diploma, the convenience of using the same language, the lower learning cost, the higher level of academic standards and the employment opportunities after ECFA are the main factors which attract mainland students gaining higher education degree in Taiwan. Based on the research findings, the policy advices are the followings: （1） Learning the advanced experience from Hong Kong and Singapore, the government should bend the rules and consider further relaxation of the policy. （2）Inject more money into making more propaganda for Taiwan’s universities. （3） Undertake large-scale empirical investigation to gather more information about the Chinese students’ willingness to study in Taiwan. （4） Train excellent negotiator in coordinating cross-strait affairs.

本文的目的在於說明國家形象和企業聲望的重要性，以及二者對國家競爭力的影響，並且針對如何改善台灣國家品牌計畫以提高它的形象建直一個模型。該模型強調在國家品牌計畫中，社群媒體所扮演的重要角色。由於社群媒體愈趨普及與廣泛使用，社群媒體將形成很大的可能性以凝聚民意。 本文主要分析材料分為兩個部分。其一，透過分析機關團體和群眾所編寫的聲望排名列表的內容，所收集到的原始數據，並且該數據也包括一項透過Facebook分析以觀察品牌貫徹的研究；其二，透過社群媒體與形象形成有關的研究著作、網站與書籍等文獻回顧，所收集的補助數據。 原始數據顯示大眾對於在技術媒體網站上建立產品排名有很大的興趣，而且在這些網站上的排名通常與一般機關團體排名有顯著不同，且以Facebook為材料分析顯示，台灣企業的品牌貫徹與全球最有聲望的企業並未有很大的差別。另外，輔助數據也顯示形象與聲望的重要性，以及社群媒體確有極高的可能對象與聲望生高度影響。 由於數據可見，台灣在技術開發和產品質量方面確有良好的形象，本文進一步指出，台灣應該集中這些功能，二非僅是推廣旅遊景點，方能改善國家形象的諸多方面。作為這項研究的結果，本文對於台灣以及和台灣具有相似特徵的其他國家，提出一個較能妥善貫徹國家品牌的模型。該模型強調國家與企業之間合作的必要性，進以改善雙方的形象與聲望。此外，該模型也指出，利用社群媒體提供的工具將有效地達成品牌貫徹。 / The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the importance of national image and corporate reputation and the interrelating power of the two on national competitiveness. In addition I hope to develop a model for the improvement of Taiwan’s nation branding project. The model points to the relevance of Social Media channels in nation branding projects. As a consequence of its increasing popularity and extensive usage, Social Media offers great opportunities for the reformation of public opinion. Data has been collected through a comprehensive literature review of research papers, websites and books on the two major subtopics: Social Media and image construction. Besides, analyses of reputation ranking lists prepared by organizations and the public were conducted. In addition, the paper also includes research through Facebook to examine branding practices. The research demonstrated the relevance of image/reputation, moreover the wide-ranging possibilities inherent in Social Media for exertion of influence. The data also showed that there is a broad public interest in product rankings of Tech Media Websites and that the top companies of those are usually distinct from the favorites of the official listings. The Facebook research did not show relevant differences between nation branding practices of the Taiwanese and the most reputable companies worldwide. The data showed that Taiwan has a good reputation in terms of technological development and product quality. This paper states that Taiwan should concentrate on these features instead of the promotion of tourist attractions, as a spillover effect will eventually lead to improvements in all aspects of national image. Based on the results of the study, this paper includes a nation-branding model for Taiwan and for other nations with similar characteristics to Taiwan. The model emphasizes the necessity of collaboration between the state and the corporate sphere in order to improve the image of both. Additionally, the model illustrates that an effective nation-branding project needs to exploit the tools provided by Social Media.

在21世紀的國際關係中，全球事務的複雜性提高，跨國民眾間的互動愈趨頻繁，以國家為中心的傳統外交思維逐漸出現轉變。各國的外交政策也更強調跨文化間的對話與互動，及建立跨國人際關係網絡的重要性。而公眾外交的作用即在於藉由影響他國民眾或菁英份子的認知與觀感，進而在目標國家內部形塑對本國有利的政策環境，遂成為各國政府制定對外政策時的重要工具，更是當前相當熱門的國際關係研究主題。近年來，我國政府也開始透過多樣化的途徑來推動公眾外交，希望提升國家形象以期能增加臺灣的國際能見度。其中，國際教育交流不僅能夠提供國際青年學子相互交往的機會，促使外籍學生以最直接的方式認識臺灣，甚至能建立他國民眾與我國的長期情感聯繫，被認為是最有效的推動途徑之一。在這樣的研究背景及政策環境基礎上，本文將以「臺灣獎學金計畫」作為研究主軸，並針對計畫受獎生進行問卷調查，進而評估政府獎學金計畫推動公眾外交的成效，同時也將釐清「臺灣獎學金計畫」在我國公眾外交上扮演何種角色。 總結而言，本研究首先經由詳盡地文獻回顧，以釐清公眾外交的發展脈絡及不同發展階段的概念核心。其次，本文嘗試賦予公眾外交更多在國際關係和外交政策中具體的理論基礎，並將軟實力、系統理論、結構主義的概念帶入公眾外交領域之中。再者，本文也從臺灣眾多的公眾外交作為中，歸納出其背後所欲追求的政策目標，而後聚焦於說明「臺灣獎學金計畫」，並致力於探討及評析國際間具知名度的政府獎學金計畫，從中歸納出成功推行政府獎學金計畫的關鍵因素，進而與我國獎學金計畫進行比較。最後，本文藉由問卷調查的實證結果來說明我國以政府獎學金推動公眾外交的成效，並提供臺灣日後發展公眾外交的建議。 / International relations in 21st Century has shown the features of highly complexity of global affairs and frequently interaction among cross-borders people; therefore, traditional diplomacy has changed into modern face accordingly. Nowadays, the governments tend to emphasize the dialogues and linkages of relationship between different cultures in foreign policy. The purpose of public diplomacy is to influence opinion in target countries to make it easier for the government to achieve its aims. For this reasons, public diplomacy has become an essential element of many countries foreign policy and a popular research area in the IR studies. Taiwanese Government has implemented public diplomacy in various approaches in order to improve the Taiwan images on the world stages. Among all the approaches of public diplomacy, international educational exchanges can not only let international students experience Taiwan in person, but also facilitate inter-cultural communication and build the long-lasting relationships between Taiwan. Based on the above-mentioned reasons, this article takes the Taiwan Scholarship Program as a study case in order to analyze of the role of the program in Taiwan’s public diplomacy. This study empirically investigates the outcomes of the Taiwan Scholarship Program by conducting the questionnaire for the Taiwan Scholarship grantees, who are studying in Taiwan during 2011-2012. To sum up, this article manages to extensively retrospect the development of public diplomacy in the international relations and capture the core elements of public diplomacy under different ages. Besides, in order to provide theoretical bases for public diplomacy, the article tries to put soft power, systemic theory, and structuralism into discussions. Furthermore, the study dedicates to illustrate its policy goals from the practices of Taiwan’s public diplomacy and compare the Taiwan Scholarship Program with other prestigious government scholarship in world as well. Finally, the study indicates that the Taiwan Scholarship Program plays an important role in Taiwan’s public diplomacy, particularly because face-to face contact between grantees and Taiwanese people helps diminish the stereotypes and increase the mutual understanding.

在現代講求合作與和平共處的國際環境裡，國與國之間已不太運用傳統的剛性、強迫性的力量來試圖影響對方，反之更多的是在文化、教育等柔性力量上的交流與溝通，慢慢轉變對彼此的觀感，進而改善雙邊或多邊關係。因此在現今國際關係互動上，一國的柔性權力就被廣泛認為可以在許多方面造成巨大的影響，在奈伊提出柔性權力概念之後，更是受到國際關係學界的重視。 歐盟與中國於1975年即建立外交關係，但囿於冷戰的格局，雙方難有合作的發展。到了後冷戰時期，由於中國勢力的增長，歐中即在1998年召開歐中高峰會，除了發展經貿關係之外，也開始將合作推至包括文教在內的多領域議題上。文教議題因具有敏感性低、容易調整之特性，更有促進雙方了解與散播價值觀的力量，達到形塑國家形象的效果，可作為外交策略來使用，因此國際文教交流作為研究柔性權力作用即有其價值。許多國家都試圖透過文教交流等途徑，塑造對本國有利之國際環境、或影響他國之行為，進而使一國能夠在國際行動上取得更大的活動空間。因此，就歐盟與中國在文教領域所擁有的資源，以及如何透過文教領域的合作來試圖影響對方，以及歐中關係基於此的改變，便是本研究想關切的議題。 因此本文運用柔性權力之概念，並以歐中文教合作為出發點，以另一面向來檢視歐中雙邊關係的發展，發掘歐中在文教合作的驅動力、對歐中關係發展之成果與前景，包括探討雙方所採取的文教議題、文教交流之互動過程，以及最後對於歐中雙方文教領域交流範圍與程度的日益加深，是否有助於雙方峰會根本目標的達成，以及是否對於歐中間的對話管道與交流模式有著積極的幫助，提出研究發現與心得。 / In the modern international communication and interaction which set pace well on cooperation and harmoniousness, the influence inflicting from one country to another rarely resorts that much to the traditional rigid, enforcing way of negotiation. Rather, more cultural and educative ways of interaction have, slowly changing how countries evaluate each other, improved relationships of both or even multiple sides. Therefore, upon the global relationship, one country’s power of pliable nature can be commonly deemed of creating influential impacts on many aspects, which has gained more attention from fields of international relationship after the concept of soft power has been suggested by Joseph Nye. The European Union has established diplomatic relationship with China since 1975. Owing to the restriction resulted from the cold war; however, both sides had very limited room for further cooperation. After the cold war, China and The European Union, because of China’s growth, established EU-China summit in 1998, starting to push their cooperation, along with economic development, to various fields including cultural and educational ones. The nature of low sensitivity and flexibility of cultural and educational issues makes it easy for both sides to understand and distribute the power of philosophy of value, which helps to shape the image of the country for diplomatic purposes, so international intercourse for cultural and educational purposes has its status in the study of soft power. Many countries have tried to create a comfort zone in the international environment or to influence other countries’ decision making via cultural and educational interaction, and hence strive for a bigger room to take political action. As a consequence, this research aims at exploring the issue of the changes that have been brought about by this cultural and educational cooperation and how they influence each other through the cooperation upon the resources that both sides have. This paper manipulates the idea of soft power and bases on China and European Union cooperation to look at how both sides evolve from this relationship, to discover the drives towards their cooperation, and to oversee their developed relationship and its prospects, including discussing cultural and educational issues that both sides adopt, the interaction along their communication. At the end, this research gives a retrospect and discovery for whether their goals are achieved after their cultural and informational development has been established, and whether their channel of communication and their modes of interaction have been significantly benefited.

柔性權力一詞已是大家耳熟能詳的名詞，透過公眾外交方式增進跨文化間的理解並培養國際化人才已逐漸成為時代潮流，公眾外交運用的途徑多元，但總不脫以柔性權力資源促進跨文化間理解的原則，歐盟2004年開始實施「伊拉斯莫斯世界」(Erasmus Mundus) 計畫，旨在提昇歐洲高等教育品質及促進與非會員國的合作、吸引更多第三國學生及學者赴歐交流，讓歐洲成為教育卓越中心的代表，該計畫的實施可看出歐盟從歐境內高等教育的整合、促進歐洲各國文化的理解到向全世界推廣其教育理念、文化資源的努力，本研究以伊拉斯莫斯世界計畫為例，探討歐盟如何憑藉此計畫發揮歐盟的柔性權力資源以吸引更多世界各地人民赴歐求學，進而達到歐洲認同的影響力。 / With the increasing influence and visibility of “soft power” over recent years, it becomes ever more important to understand how to exercise such power effectively. One of the key instruments of soft power is public diplomacy. In Europe, public diplomacy is viewed as the number one priority across a whole spectrum of issues; therefore, the European Union (EU) is regarded as a model of how to utilize soft power. Launched in 2004, the Erasmus Mundus programme is considered to be a part of the EU’s public diplomacy. Erasmus Mundus is a cooperation and mobility programme in the field of higher education. The aim of the programme is to promote European higher education, and to improve and enhance the career prospects of students. The programme also aims to promote intercultural understanding through cooperation with third countries, in order to contribute to the sustainable development of higher education in those countries, in accordance with EU external policy objectives. This study examines how the EU employs public diplomacy by means of the Erasmus Mundus Programme.

This study traces the development of narratives on the role of culture within the EU’s external relations and aims to identify culture’s contribution to contemporary construction and self-imagination of the Union’s international actorness. The focus lies not on how individuals and publics perceive these narratives or if they are successful in construction and shaping the perceptions of their audiences. Instead, the EU institutions’ and officials’ intentions and aspirations behind sending those messages are the focus point of the analysis, as well as the critical identification of the tools and methods through which the Union strives to do so. Thus, the overarching research question to answer is: how the EU uses narratives on the role of culture and international cultural relations to construct itself as a relevant international actor. And, why and how the internal EU discussion developed and changed over time. Based on a critical discourse analytical approach to the selected, official EU documents, speeches, international declarations and communications, it shows that currently two different understandings and roles of culture and international cultural relations coexist within the EU’s internal discourse: one, advocating the deployment of international cultural relations not for simply showcasing one’s own, national culture but for a greater, ambitious goal of global responsibility and sustainable development. The focus of this approach lies in the development of a new and solidary global environment which respects and celebrates (cultural) diversity, through mutual exchanges, reciprocity and the sharing of knowledge and expertise. While the other narrative focuses on constructing the EU as a “global power” and emphasises the importance of a more traditional European “cultural diplomacy”.

This thesis, as a case study, focuses on the perspective of foreign news reports on Taiwan’s first time hosting an international multi-sport event, the World Games 2009 in its biggest port city Kaohsiung. The World Games 2009 Kaohsiung, the significant Olympic type mega-event as to Taiwan, is applied as the approach to public diplomacy and soft power for the purpose of expanding Taiwan’s international space. It is expected to raise publicity and mass media exposure to boost Taiwan’s international profile and spur its tourism industry. From Taiwan’s image-marketing strategy, practices to foreign news reports, it outweighs to study foreign media’s reflection on Taiwan and the World Games 2009 as the important evaluation on the mega-event as a whole. This thesis attempts to answer two research questions: How was the World Games 2009 Kaohsiung reported by the foreign media? Did hosting the World Games improve Taiwan’s image? It presents the results and perspectives of foreign news reports by qualitative methods: case study and discourse analysis of online-English news reports and some quantitative methods applied on data. It combines news reports study with theory, model of public diplomacy, mega-event and expected-model. Within 101 pieces of online-English news found related to the World Games 2009, it unveils fruitful results such as the failure of interpreting the core story (Taiwan’s images and values) by foreign media during the sporting extravaganza, and it echoes Rivenburgh (2004)’s three viewpoints toward the Olympic type event (intercultural challenges, less news about host country’s culture and dramatic news). By the amount of news and the absence of foreign media on the press conference indicates that foreign media did not pay much attention to the World Games and Taiwan. In spite of reporting the sports and games, other major topics of reports were Taiwan’s hosting the event, the greenest solar-powered stadium designed by Japanese, Toyo Ito, Chu Chen’s promotion itinerary to Beijing and China’s absence on the opening and closing ceremony which triggered foreign media’s great concern.

The polar ice in the Arctic is melting resulting in new opportunities for the Arctic states to extracting vital resources and to find new shorter transport routes. Two of the largest actors who both presently have published polices towards the Arctic region is the EU and the US. This work firstly aims to offer a descriptive view of the EU and the US’ polices towards the Arctic region. Secondly, investigate the documents quantitatively and qualitatively to show weather the EU and US policies are featured by ‘hard power’ or ‘soft power’ by the research of Joseph S. Nye Jr. to find out if Robert Kagan’s hypotheses that the EU mainly use ‘soft power’ and that the US mainly use ‘hard power’. The findings showed that Kagan in this case was right about the EU and the use of ‘soft power’ but that the US mainly uses ‘soft power’ politics in their Arctic policy.

This study investigates the possibility of implementing national psychological defence measures utilizing social media. These measures are understood as an exercise of political power and are contextualised in the contemporary global information arena using Castells theory of communication power in the network society, while employing PSYOPS methodology to further understand the tactical dimensions. It also attempts to evaluate the prevalence of ”filter bubbles” and the potential hindrance such may be to successful implementation. Results show that key audiences can be reached and effectively influenced through the use of social media advert targeting systems and open source, fact-based information campaigns.