Public Diplomacy has been around for decades, in some parts of the world more than others. Despite that, research related to public diplomacy has mainly focused on approaches serving governments’ policy concerns. A large part of the research has also surrounded efficiency aspects: the level of impact culminating from public diplomacy activities. This tunnel vision has undoubtedly contributed to the limitation of theoretical and methodological development. From that standpoint, this study attempts to contribute and fill the existing theoretical and methodological gap. The study builds on the research by Yun (2005), directed by J. E. Gruing, and examines the reliability of her framework and sheds light on some potential shortcomings and eventual amendments. Suggesting the convergence of public diplomacy and public relation, the model is composed of two theoretical frameworks. Public diplomacy as the dependent variable is anchored in Grunig’s excellence theory and national culture as determinants (independent variable) is anchored in Hofstede’s cultural dimensions theory. As did Yun, the study finds that cultural dimensions as determinants for South Korea’s public diplomacy do not possess sufficient explanatory power to understand South Korea’s public diplomacy management. A historical lens and additional contextual factors would hypothetically better explain Korea’s public diplomacy, paving the way for future studies.

一九九○年，美國學者奈伊(Joseph S. Nye)在《外交政策》(Foreign Policy)期刊中發表〈軟性權力〉(Soft Power)乙文，指出權力可分為硬性(hard)與軟性兩類。前者屬強制性質，包括軍事攻擊、武力威嚇與經濟制裁；後者則主要以吸引力作為內涵。國家可以藉由本身的價值、文化或特定的外交政策，在國際間設定議程(agenda)，讓其他國家認同，舉止符合軟性權力施行國的利益。 本文主張可沿用奈伊軟性權力之概念，尋求國際合作空間：首先界定台灣的軟性權力得分為以下三方面：知識經濟、民主與人權價值、以及「主要以非政府間組織(non-governmental organization)作為主體的」社會交流；並列舉以軟性權力開創銜接國際平台的實證。 奈伊在相關著作中指出，應假「公共外交」(public diplomacy)方式來宣揚軟性權力，學者亦有將「軟性權力」與「公共外交」視作「商品」與「行銷策略」之說。本文拆解「公共」(publicity)的意涵，說明台灣的公共外交可從三個層面進行：針對外國群眾(to public)、新參與者(by public)與公開管道的與時俱進(by public)。 繼而闡述我外交部相關的外交活動，包括「人權外交」、「全民外交」、發展「NGOs外交」與國際援助。人權外交即我內政價值的向外展現，因此許多涉外問題將同時接受國際檢視。全民外交則主要涵蓋三項措施：「台灣獎學金」、「外交替代役」與「無任所大使」。 研究結果，本文嘗試釐清「經濟是否屬於軟性權力範疇」的爭議，認為奈伊係將「經濟」緊縮定義為「制裁與酬庸」兩者；筆者另外舉出以「人類安全」(human security)為目的之「經濟援助」與「經濟研發、合作」得納入軟性權力。在其他非傳統外交方面，筆者揭示文化外交(cultural diplomacy )的「文化產業」角色，在亞洲國家有逐漸增強的跡象，值得我國借鏡。

Information is power in the 21st century and strategic narratives through framing are nowadays regarded as part of the modern armoury of war. States constantly compete to create credible narratives in support of their actions on the international policy arena. After the Crimean crisis in 2014 the world was forced to open its eyes to medias new usage in modern warfare. State funded news agencies play an important role in this recent development and one of the most prominent actors is Russia. This thesis seeks to contribute to the discussion of strategic narratives and framing in the news media through a case study of the Russian news site Sputnik News. The thesis focuses on the news agency’s depiction of five empirical events in which the Swedish and Russian armed forces were involved during 2014 and 2015. A qualitative analysis of 25 news articles discussing the five events has detected proof of pro-Russian framing processes. The aim of Sputnik News seems to be a transformation of the general Swedish frame regarding Russia itself and perhaps more specifically Russia’s recent change in foreign policy.

One of the mayor security problems nowadays is the international terrorism and it has become a threat to the European people as well. The number of the attacks is increasing, European citizens are traveling to Middle East to join foreign terrorist groups and online propaganda is being more and more popular. The main goal that terrorists have is to get worldwide attention and harm as many people as possible. To answer the research questions of this study: What are the measures that the EU has taken to fight terrorism? And To what extend can EU’s counter-terrorism approaches be explained by hard-soft power theory? a qualitative one case study method has been used. The results of this study show that EU has taken many significant measures in the fight against terrorism, such as implementation of common strategies and regulations but also in giving mandate to Europol that is now the leader partner in the European counter-terrorism approach. There have been many improvements in the last years, but there are still gaps that need to be filled, especially in the collaboration between the Member States.  The study has also concluded that EU is mostly using Soft Power as a tool for the international politics.

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Submitted by Rafael Ribeiro (rr.ihac@gmail.com) on 2017-05-28T12:42:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado PPGRI - Rafael Ribeiro - O Ensino de Línguas Estrangeiras como Ferramenta de Soft Power e Estratégia de Política Externa.pdf: 2020104 bytes, checksum: 8c380cab5629d3103cf4b2a3f97fb9b1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Barroso (pbarroso@ufba.br) on 2017-05-29T17:26:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado PPGRI - Rafael Ribeiro - O Ensino de Línguas Estrangeiras como Ferramenta de Soft Power e Estratégia de Política Externa.pdf: 2020104 bytes, checksum: 8c380cab5629d3103cf4b2a3f97fb9b1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-29T17:26:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado PPGRI - Rafael Ribeiro - O Ensino de Línguas Estrangeiras como Ferramenta de Soft Power e Estratégia de Política Externa.pdf: 2020104 bytes, checksum: 8c380cab5629d3103cf4b2a3f97fb9b1 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / No século XXI, a maneira pela qual as nações e os demais agentes das relações internacionais interagem está mudando, e o potencial de um ator não é mais medido apenas pela força de seus exércitos ou o poder de sua economia. Há em curso no mundo uma corrida por outras formas de penetração e influência, e o poder cultural, manifesto através de valores, instituições, intercâmbio científico e disseminação da língua, é artifício fundamental para fins de inserção global e ganhos absolutos de um país. A crescente utilização dos recursos de soft power é uma das tendências promissora das relações internacionais no contexto da globalização. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho busca analisar as novas perspectivas da diplomacia e a eficiência do ensino de línguas enquanto ferramenta do poder brando. Para tanto, na segunda seção, fazemos uma análise da diplomacia pública e da importância da cultura para as Relações Internacionais. Por conseguinte, investigamos o conceito de diplomacia cultural e a relação entre língua, cultura e identidade. Na terceira seção, exploramos o conceito de soft power cunhado por Joseph Nye e, a partir de sua elucidação, apresentamos três estudos de caso concernentes à difusão da língua como estratégia de política externa dos Estados Unidos, Reino Unido e China. Por fim, na quarta parte do trabalho, concentramos a análise nas ações culturais adotadas pela política externa brasileira, que têm como objetivo apresentar o país ao mundo, e o peso da internacionalização da língua portuguesa nesse processo. / In the twenty-first century, the way nations and other actors involved in international relations interact is changing, and an actor's potential is no longer measured solely by the strength of their armies or the power of their economy. A race for other forms of penetration and influence is under way in the world, and the cultural power, manifested through values, institutions, scientific exchange and language dissemination, is a fundamental artifice for the purpose of global insertion and absolute gains of a country. The increasing use of soft power resources is the promising trend in international relations in the context of globalization. In this sense, the present work aims at analyzing the new perspectives of diplomacy and the efficiency of language teaching as a tool of soft power. To do so, in the first chapter we make an analysis of public diplomacy and the importance of culture for International Relations. We therefore investigate the concept of cultural diplomacy and the relationship between language, culture and identity. In the second chapter, we explore the concept of soft power coined by Joseph Nye and, from its elucidation, we present three case studies concerning the diffusion of the language as foreign policy strategy of the United States, the United Kingdom and China. Finally, in the third part of the study, we focused the analysis on the cultural actions adopted by Brazilian foreign policy in order to present the country to the world, and the weight of the internationalization of the Portuguese language in this process.

xiv, 240 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / The use of rhetoric to frame policy issues often influences the amount of attention countries pay to international issues and the level of support for those issues. Often, domestic and international actors present different descriptions of policy issues in order to advance their own views and change the international agenda. Despite frequent attempts to change the international agenda and the importance of agendas for policy formation, our understanding of the factors that contribute to why particular issues get international attention is limited. This project develops a theoretical understanding of the development of the international agenda, how issues on that agenda are framed, and why agendas change over time. The project contributes to international relations theory by understanding the factors responsible for increasing attention to issues, and the factors that influence how states define the problems on the international agenda that may eventually become part of international treaties and organizations. The project redefines agendas through a constructivist approach where individuals interpret real phenomena through frames. Rhetoric's influence on agenda changes described in this project also demonstrates a mechanism through which the soft power of attraction changes international outcomes. The project takes a positivist approach to analyzing constructivist and realist causes of agenda changes. The project tests specific implications of these theories of international agenda development and issue framing by examining the case of international efforts to address whaling. The project demonstrates the importance of polarity in enabling changes in attention from security to non-security issues and the importance of rhetoric in causing changes in issue frames. / Committee in charge: Ronald Mitchell, Chairperson, Political Science; Craig Parsons, Member, Political Science; Lars Skalnes, Member, Political Science; Jean Stockard, Outside Member, Planning Public Policy & Mgmt

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T14:19:37Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Juliano Oliveira Pizarro_Dissertacao.pdf: 687212 bytes, checksum: 03cfd2ce22238b98ee39ab177725d3b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T14:19:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Juliano Oliveira Pizarro_Dissertacao.pdf: 687212 bytes, checksum: 03cfd2ce22238b98ee39ab177725d3b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / A presente dissertação analisa a inserção da FIFA no cenário internacional no contexto globalizado, observando-a na dinâmica da governança global, com relações e disputas com outros atores, fazendo uso do soft power através de seus discursos e práticas. A pesquisa parte temporalmente da década de 1990, tendo em vista a ascensão dos processos de Globalização após a queda do muro de Berlim, a multipolarização de atores no cenário internacional e o surgimento do conceito governança global. Sendo o esporte um mecanismo cultural utilizado ao longo do século como incentivo à paz e à união dos povos, a FIFA possui um papel fundamental na sua organização em escala mundial. Através de duas dimensões de análise - governança global e soft power – partindo do pressuposto que a FIFA é um ator da governança global, busca responder como ela se utiliza do soft power. A pesquisa baseia-se em fontes secundárias bibliográficas, documentais, sites e pesquisas já realizadas sobre o objeto. Os procedimentos metodológicos que norteiam a presente pesquisa são de caráter exploratório-descritivo, estudando-se o caso da FIFA com uma abordagem qualitativa, com o objetivo de identificar a FIFA como uma organização que possui o monopólio internacional do futebol, constituída juridicamente como uma ONG, cujo comportamento expressa características híbridas na dinâmica da governança global – ora como empresa multinacional, ora como organização do Terceiro Setor, ora como instituição internacional. Sob a ótica do soft power, percebe-se que o comportamento contemporâneo da organização procura alinhar-se a discursos democráticos e de accountability, utilizando estratégias de popularização do esporte, ampliando e diversificando as competições e os campeonatos regionais e internacionais, implementando projetos sociais, aumentando parceiros comerciais, entre outras. Para consolidar sua hegemonia internacional pelo controle da organização do futebol em escala global, a FIFA tem utilizado uma série de práticas, discursos e ações estimuladas e incentivadas pela lógica da governança global em geral e governança desportiva em particular. / This thesis analyzes the inclusion of FIFA on the international stage in the globalization context, observing the dynamics of global governance, relationships and disputes with other actors, using the soft power through its speeches and practices. The research begin temporally of the 1990s, in view of the rise of globalization processes after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the multi-polarization of actors on the international scene and the emergence of global governance concept. The sport is a cultural mechanism used throughout the century as encouraging peace and unity of peoples, and the FIFA has a key role in your organization worldwide. Through two dimensions of analysis - global governance and soft power - starting the assumption that FIFA is an actor of global governance, seeks to answer how she uses soft power. The research is based on secondary sources bibliographical, documentary, websites and research already carried out on the object. The methodological procedures that guide this research are exploratory and descriptive character, studying the case of FIFA with a qualitative approach, in order to identify the FIFA as an organization that has the international monopoly of football, legally constituted as an NGO, whose behavior expressed hybrid features in the dynamics of global governance - sometimes as multinational company, sometimes as Third Sector organization either as international institution. From the perspective of soft power, can see that contemporary performance of the organization seeks to align the democratic and accountability discourse, using popularization strategies of the sport, expanding and diversifying competitions and regional and international championships, implementing social projects, increasing trading partners, among others. To consolidate its international hegemony by controlling the football organization on a global scale, FIFA has used a number of practices, discourses and actions initiated and encouraged by the logic of global governance in general and sport governance in particular.

Vast amounts of energy resources have equipped Russia with powerful means of influence on energy dependent Ukraine. This essay places Russia’s current energy policy towards Ukraine into a broader theoretical perspective. Drawing on the work of John Mearsheimers theory of Offensive Neorealism and Joseph. Nye’s theory of Hard and Soft Power, the essay explains why and how Russia as regional hegemon use its energy weapon to build regional spheres of influence. How Russia chooses to use its energy resources depends on the level of external pressure. Essays analysis shows that the essays chosen theories goes a long way to explain the overall pattern of Russia’s energy policy toward Ukraine from 2004-2014. The thesis concludes that Russia was in fact using its energy resources as a geostrategic foreign and security policy instrument.

The phenomenon of nation branding has increased its popularity within scholars from different disciplines within the past decade. Moreover, the practice of nation branding has gained a significant role in countries’ foreign politics. However, the number of studies within the field of communication and media is lacking. The phenomenon of nation branding is usually researched from economic or political point of views. This thesis connects communication, media, marketing, and politics by examining nation branding as a tool of soft power. It aims to point out how desired meanings are constructed by using visual communication tools to create a favorable image for a country. The visual approach was chosen to be examined as it is more challenging to transfer messages through visual means than using spoken language. Two countries, Finland, and South Korea, were chosen as case studies due to their different nation branding strategies and international rankings. Their promotional videos were analyzed by using qualitative empirical descriptive method by utilizing tools provided by multimodal critical discourse analysis. The descriptive analytical method was chosen as the videos are meant as promotional materials which use over simplified narrative methods so that viewer could understand them easily. The concepts of nation, nation branding, discourse, ideology, soft power, public diplomacy, media, visual communication, and power were used as a theoretical framework. The study shows how discourse is constructed using visual representations as well as what kind of values can be transferred by using visual communication tools to influence on the foreign audience’s perceptions of the country.