The aim of this study was to identify and describe the viability of using cell phones to conduct rapid assessments, pass key health messages and conduct monitoring and evaluation in complex emergencies. The study setting was in a cholera outbreak response situation in Mogadishu, the capital of war torn Somalia. Qantitative, descriptive research was conducted to determine the feasibility. Data collection was done using structured questionnaires, self-response mailed questionnaires as well as follow-up telephone interviews. Three groups of respondents participated in the study. The respondent groups included 383 internally displaced persons (IDPs), 5 water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) specialists and 5 specialists from 5 mobile phone providers in Mogadishu. The study showed that there is good potential for an effective, cost efficient and scalable short message service (SMS) based public health education platform in Somalia. The study has also come up with recommendations on key considerations to ensure viability of the Public health education platform. It is envisaged that the recommended platform shall increase speed, access, spontaneity, coverage and reduced cost per capita, a combination of which form the hallmark of a good emergency health response. Ultimately this effort shall contribute to improved health, reduced suffering and reduced deaths in fragile humanitarian contexts. / Health Studies / M.A. (Public Health)

This thesis focus on European construction of Somali identity. Using a discourse analysis in combination with Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism, this study examines the three main European Council Documents that set the foundation for the EU’s military and political intervention in the Horn of Africa in general, and Somalia specifically. The analysis investigates how Somalia is being imagined within these documents and how this European identity construction can be understood as an Orientalist discourse. The outcome of the analysis show that the construction of Somalia within this limited scope, the European discourse can indeed be read as an Orientalist discourse. In the analyzed documents Somalia is generally constructed as a dangerous, possibly threatening physical entity, which is juxtaposed to the EU which is identified as a realm of peace and compliance to universal norms and values. Hence, this discourse is implying a certain hierarchy in which Europe has a more privileged position than Somalia. Furthermore, the analysis concludes that the European response can be also read as based on a liberal peace discourse which carries the risk to perpetuate Orientalist stereotyping and the construction of Orientalist identities.

Degradations of the rangelands is very common around the permanent settlements of the central rangelands of Somalia. This degradation is attributed to overstocking resulting form the fact that the rangelands are communally owned and herders are ignoring the shadow value of the forage. Information about the optimal herd size would help halt the rangeland degradation. In this study, two allocation mechanisms were compared. The first was the private ownership solution where someone owns the rangeland and decides how many animals should be grazed there. The second was the solution where the rangeland is owned in common by the dwellers of the area and access to it is free and unrestricted. For the private ownership, a model was developed that solves the economically optimal herd size and forage stock. The model also determines the optimal milk production and sales and live-cattle sales and slaughters during the transition period and at the stationary state. For the communal ownership, the set of the first-order conditions of the model were solved simultaneously after the shadow value of the forage was dropped. A computer program of the optimization algorithm, GAM/MINOS, was used to solve both problems using data from the central rangelands of Somalia. GAMS/MINOS provided the optimal values of all of the state, costate, and control variables during the transition period and at the stationary state.

The liberal peace approach guided the Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes under the auspices of the United Nations. While both practitioners and policymakers recognised that context fitted approaches are required, which resulted in the revision of DDR policy and practice, the driving principle approach remained the liberal peace theory, which creates a hierarchical relationship between the intervener and the intervened. I argue that applying the relational sensibility concept that places relations, dialogue, and hybridity in its focus can (potentially) contribute to a more effective locally designed, led, and implemented reintegration programme that is owned by the different stakeholders instead of imposed. Most reintegration programmes focused on the economic reintegration of ex combatants yielding limited results. I argue that social development for not only former combatants but also for youth at-risk of criminalisation is an essential element of reintegration. I probe the applicability of an alternative peace-building approach to the liberal peace that prioritises actions over relations by reviewing past DDR programmes and a specific case study in Somalia. I establish that an inclusive, community-based reintegration programme that focuses on the social rehabilitation and integration of vulnerable and at-risk youth by strengthening their social and spiritual capitals, as well as promotes restorative justice, can contribute to the decreased level of aggression at the individual level and the perceptions of the increased level of community security in Somalia. I conclude that DDR programmes both policy and practice, should look into more community-based approaches, inclusivity, and balancing between social and economic development opportunities.

This thesis explores how leaders and officials of Somaliland and the Somali Federal Government (SFG) perceive Taiwan’s recent diplomatic overtures to Somaliland. The thesis also investigates how this new relationship affects Somalia-China relations, as well as Somaliland’s international recognition and the internal political dynamics in the Somali region. To achieve this, it combines perspectives from social constructivism, neoclassical realism, and the polity model. Using process tracing and Qualitative Content Analysis to examine a rich collection of data including official documents, speeches, and audio-visual materials. It finds that Taiwan’s engagement with Somaliland is perceived drastically differently due to divergent political visions and aspirations. Somaliland’s leadership and officials welcome Taiwan’s presence and hope to gain economic and strategic benefits from it. The SFG, on the other hand, strongly opposes Taiwan’s involvement in Somaliland and considers it a violation of its core interests. The thesis further argues that the Somaliland-Taiwan partnership will likely bring Mogadishu and Beijing closer together prompting them to counter Taiwan’s influence in Somaliland. Furthermore, it suggests that Taiwan’s support for Hargeisa will affect the political dynamics in the disputed northern borderlands where Somaliland claims sovereignty but faces challenges from local actors.

This essay examines the prevalent practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) in Ethiopia and Somalia, focusing on the multifaceted consequences faced by women who undergo this procedure. FGM, deeply entrenched in the cultural fabric of both nations. This essay scrutinizes the physical and psychological repercussions experienced by women as a result of this gender-based practice.  Furthermore, this research extends its scope to investigate how the scarcity of water and limited access to proper hygiene facilities exacerbate the challenges faced by women who have undergone FGM. In regions plagued by water scarcity, where hygiene resources are insufficient, these challenges become even more pronounced, amplifying the risk of infections and complications.  By delving into the intersection of FGM, gender dynamics, and the environmental challenges linked to water scarcity, this essay aims to shed light on the unique struggles faced by women in Ethiopia and Somalia. It underscores the urgent need for holistic interventions that address both the socio-cultural aspects of FGM and the environmental factors that compound the physical and psychological consequences faced by women in these regions.  Our chosen research methodology centers around a thorough desk study employing Human Rights Theory, JMP Wash, and the Health Belief Model. This approach is designed to facilitate a comprehensive analysis, seeking to explore potential correlations between Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) and factors related to water and sanitation. The findings presented in this essay provide valuable insights for policymakers, healthcare practitioners, and activists working to combat FGM and improve the overall well-being of women in Ethiopia and Somalia.

This study proposes a framework and a process promoting creation of sustainable jobs and businesses in rural, arid and semi-arid agricultural conflict zones of Sub Saharan Africa, focusing on Somalia's societal stabilization and conflict mitigation. This task requires developing risk-reducing measures for infrastructure and service delivery in rural, post-conflict zones. Literature reviews identified two economic growth theories rooted in sustainability concepts for localized, pro-poor development. Ecological Economics Theory (EET) and Endogenous Growth Theory (EGT) are the philosophical bases establishing investment priorities. Additional research regarding Somali culture, key conflict factors, and potential business opportunities, provides an understanding of salient facts in Somalia's on-going, 27-years of war and potential culturally acceptable development pathways. Informal sources, Somali and non-Somali, were consulted to further identify and verify potential avenues for economic growth, sustainability, educational opportunities, allowing Somalia to emerge from the strife it has endured. Visits to Somalia and Somaliland confirmed that livestock, its products and related requirements, are key components for economic growth and job creation. Investigation, via pilot testing and case studies, was undertaken of technologies with potential to improve productive capacity and disrupt existing value chains. Initial framework elements were evaluated for job and business creation, through unstructured, semi-structured interviews, and questionnaire of Somali officials, and Somali and non-Somali conflict zone development practitioners. The pilot test used a small sample size and is a limitation of this work. Findings from the literature review, informal discussions, and the pilot test are synthesized into the framework presented in Chapter 5. The framework proposes development of an innovative, disruptive, and scalable business model that facilitates the simultaneous implementation of renewable energy production. It targets education for the livestock and agroforestry industry of Somalia, improving job and business opportunities. The model proposes modification of used shipping containers for the creation of modular elements, to satisfying infrastructural building components to initiate skills practice, job, and business growth. / Doctor of Philosophy / The wars and conflicts of various types in Africa have made the continent poorer and prevented development in many countries. One of the major, and seemingly intractable conflict locations, is Somalia located in the East Horn of Africa (EHA). This research provides an understanding of salient facts in Somalia's 27 years of war by examining culture and key conflict factors. The objective of this assessment is to identify potential culturally acceptable pathways that will lead to business opportunities and development as a means of conflict mitigation. The improvement of job opportunities for youth is viewed as a means to offset the current participation in the ongoing conflict. Somali and non-Somali sources were consulted to identify and verify avenues for economic growth, sustainability, and educational opportunities. Visits to Somalia and Somaliland confirmed that livestock, and related products, are key components for development and job creation. Technologies with potential to improve productive capacity and disrupt existing value chains were also evaluated. Findings from informal discussions and a pilot test of a proposed framework are presented. The framework identifies elements for development of an innovative, disruptive, and scalable business model that facilitates the implementation of renewable energy production. In addition, it targets education for the livestock and agroforestry industries, improving job and business opportunities.

No / This edited volume takes stock of the state of research and policy on the issue of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW), ten years after the UN first agreed to deal with the problem. The end of the Cold War originated a series of phenomena that would subsequently come to dominate the political agenda. Perhaps most symptomatic of the ensuing environment is the marked escalation in the scale and dynamics of armed violence, driven by the proliferation of SALW. Events in Rwanda, Somalia and Bosnia seared into global consciousness the devastating effects of this phenomenon, and of the necessity to engage actively in its limitation and prevention. This edited volume explores and outlines the research and policy on the SALW issue at this critical juncture. In addition to providing a detailed telling of the genesis and evolution of SALW research and advocacy, the volume features a series of essays from leading scholars in the field on both advances in research and action on SALW. It reflects on what has been achieved in terms of cumulative advances in data, methodology and analysis, and looks at the ways in which these developments have helped to inform policy making at national, regional and international levels. Alongside situating and integrating past and present advances in advocacy and international action, Controlling Small Arms also outlines future directions for research and action.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extend consociationalism has been adopted in post-war, post-conflict countries that suffer from deep division within their societies. Despite criticisms on whether the mechanism is beneficial in less democratic societies, the tool is strongly recommended for divided multi-ethnic societies as an attempt to solve the tension between conflicted actors. The aim of this thesis is to explore what we can learn from the Somalian and Iraqi experience, both of which have adopted this mechanism. To be able to answer these questions our primary research question guiding this thesis is: How does power sharing exhibit the advantages that it is claimed to have for peaceful democratic post-conflict development in Iraq and Somalia? This thesis is hinged on two theories, Consociationalism theory and Path Dependency theory. An abductive method as structured focused comparison has been used. The data collection was done by purposive sampling method, using primary sources of data. Structured interviews were carried out with six key informants from Somalia and six from Iraq, representing a unique perspective of the clans and ethnicities in each country. To triangulate the data, secondary sources were conducted as empirical data. The study established that consociationalism as a power- sharing mechanism has increased identity conflicts, raised sectarian values in Iraq and empowered clannism in Somalia. The study also showed that consociationalism as a power-sharing tool has not been fully adopted in either of the two countries, rather a semi-consociationalism has been practiced. This has resulted into the exclusion of marginalized groups such as young people, women and minorities in both countries. The mechanism has led to the post-conflict elite perceiving themselves as heroes of the new system rather than finding a solution for common interest in post-conflict reconstruction. Furthermore, factors such as security gap, presence of extremist groups, corruption and external interventions have impacted the efforts of consolidating peace and development in Iraq and Somalia.

The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes. This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms. The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time. However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level. These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.