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Is three a crowd or a coalition? : India, Brazil and South Africa in the WTODu Preez, Mari-Lise 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This thesis is, in essence, a theoretically informed, qualitative study of an intermediate power coalition in international trade negotiations. More specifically, it critically evaluates the cooperation of India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) in the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
The IBSA Dialogue Forum was established in 2003. This was also the year the three emerging countries first drew attention to their collective bargaining potential. First, they were instrumental in negotiating a waiver in the WTO that allowed for relaxed patent restrictions on the import of generic drugs for countries in the developing world facing health emergencies. Then, they also played a central role in the collapse of the WTO talks held in Cancun, 2003.
This study looks at what IBSA aims to achieve in the WTO and then tries to establish whether it is possible for the initiative to achieve these aims (in the WTO). It asks, firstly, what kind of coalition IBSA forms in the WTO. Then, it asks whether it makes sense for India, Brazil and South Africa to form this type of coalition. Finally, it discusses some of the complexities involved in the three countries’ claim that it speaks for the “developing South”. The study makes use mainly of a neo-liberal institutionalist theoretical approach, while being open to constructive debate and critique from the reflective school.
Ultimately, the study argues that the challenges that bind these countries also constrain each of them. The three countries might be emerging, but they are also developing countries with limited capacity that face serious developmental challenges. In addition, these countries of the South are situated in complex regional environments. In the WTO, IBSA aims to cement a coalition through processes that promote the cooperative dimensions of interaction and minimise conflictual ones. This innovative approach to cooperation does provide some hope. How they use their collective capacity will prove decisive. No doubt, successful cooperation will require hard work, especially as the coalition will have to deliver concrete results not only to domestic constituencies, but also to the developing world as a whole.
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The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policyBertelsmann-Scott, Talitha 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade
policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free
trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy
here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components
namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a
governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the
population.
The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the
developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the
final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement
(TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded,
South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the
free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to
complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of
opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA.
In the second section the internal process in developing a South African
negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not
South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic
manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign
trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are
advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct
investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with
western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise.
The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or
alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on
the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic
policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but
rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus.
Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the
bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether
they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves
have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to
a large extent democratic in nature.
However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy
formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of
international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like
the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade
Organisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse
handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie
(EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te
ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op
drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n
regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag
neem in beleidsformulering.
Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses
beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van
die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika
se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die
vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die
feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die
EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir
Suid-Afrikaners skep.
In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se
onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel
of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers
bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik
is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat
globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok.
Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat
verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande
as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te
demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van
die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide
binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van
keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne
fokus.
Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word
ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die
burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die
proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer
is.
Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse
beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk
deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale
organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom
het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en
ondersteuning.
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Government, globalisation and business : the case of South AfricaWillson, Marion 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study examines the implications of globalisation for business-government
relations in South Africa since 1990. The study proposes that business, bolstered by
globalisation, is increasingly gaining influence in the policy process of South Africa.
The unfolding era of neo-liberalism has ushered in an enormous surge in the power of
capital and a decline in the organization and influence of labour. This surge in relative
power has allowed the South African business community, to impose its own
discipline on government and to narrow the sphere of public decisions. Fear ofloss of
competitiveness, in attracting capital, both domestic and international, has forced
government to make their policies increasingly capital-friendly rather than responding
to popular will or broad social interest.
The study establishes the features of globalisation and South Africa's position within
this process through an analysis of the relationship between the ANC and business
that developed in South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and later facilitated the
ANC's acceptance of a neo-liberal macroeconomic strategy in 1996. By analysing;
firstly, the influence of business within the policy-making process since 1996, and
secondly, the influence of business in the outcomes of government's black economic
empowerment strategy, the study shows that business has attempted to optimise its
position vis-a-vis the currents of globalisation.
The study concludes that the working partnership between business and government,
established in terms of the BEE strategy is based on the mutual need of each other, as
both government and business face the brutal capriciousness of foreign investment,
the major challenge posed by globalisation. The South African business community is
however in a unique position with respect to South Africa's ongoing transformation.
Within the post-apartheid context, and South Africa's reconfigured power equation
between government and business, globalisation would appear to give corporate
South Africa added leverage over its rival social partners in the tug-of-war over the
terms of development. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevalle-studie bestudeer die implikasies van globalisasie vir besigheidregering
verhoudings in Suid-Afrika vanaf 1990. Die studie stel voor dat besigheid,
aangehelp deur globalisasie, toenemend invloed verkry in die beleidsproses in Suid-
Afrika. Die nuwe era van neo-liberalisme het 'n groot toevloei in die mag van kapitaal
binne gesien en 'n afname in die organisasie en invloed van arbeid. Die beweging van
relatiewe mag het die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-gemeenskap toegelaat om sy eie
dissipline op die regering op te lê, en om die sfeer van openbare besluite te vernou.
Die vrees van verlies van mededinging in die aantrekking van kapitaal, beide plaaslik
en internasionaal, het die regering gedwing om hul beleide toenemend kapitaalvriendelik
te maak, eerder as om te reageer op populêre wilskrag of breë sosiale
belang.
Die studie bevestig die kenmerke van globalisasie sowel as Suid-Afrika se posisie in
hierdie proses. Dit word bepaal deur 'n analise van die verhouding tussen die ANC en
ondernemings wat tussen 1990 en 1994 in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het en later deur die
ANC se aanvaarding van 'n neo-liberale makro-ekonomies strategie in 1996,
gefasiliteer is. Deur eerste die invloed van besigheid binne die beleidmakings-proses
vanaf 1996 te analiseer en tweedens te kyk na die invloed van besigheid in die
uitkoms van die regering se swart ekonomiese bemagtings strategie (BEE) wys die
studie dat besigheid probeer het om sy posisie deur die vloei van globalisasie te
optimiseer. Die studie sluit af met die erkende vennootskap tussen besighede en die
regering. Hierdie vernootskap is gevestig op die terme van die BEE strategie, wat
gebasseer is op wedersydse belang, want beide die regering en besighede staar die
brutale wispelturigheid van buitelandse belegging in die gesig. Hierdie groot
uitdaging word deur globalisasie voortgebring. Die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsgemeentskap
is in 'n unieke posisie, in die sin van Suid-Afrika se voortgaande
transformasie. Binne die post-apartheid konteks en Suid-Afrika se hergestruktueerde
mags verhouding tussen die regering en besighede, wil dit voorkom asof globalisasie
die besigheids-sfeer van Suid-Afrika 'n toename van mag oor sy mededingende
sosiale vennote te gee, in die konflik oor die terme van ontwikkeling.
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Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South AfricaVan Vuuren, Ian 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains
how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa.
Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic
Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how
and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation.
The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the
dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process
which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont
Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the
development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a
counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The
rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly
motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and
production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies.
Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time
increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and
inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became
increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not
sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the
release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic
programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and
policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that
neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and
distinctive characteristics.
The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary
goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth
(2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation
of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The
first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South
Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact,
characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus
thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the
leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and
architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed
by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the
NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy.
The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy
formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies.
Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation
and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to
production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in
the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the
context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the
NEGP. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en
verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed
het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei,
Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad
(NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en
of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het.
Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit,
op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword
het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor
word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die
Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die
ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die
bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind
het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word
sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel,
finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer.
Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is
van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde
en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die
1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies
globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en
die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde
ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in
invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese
verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike
variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke.
Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan
word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie,
alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van
dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot
die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA).
Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van
GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid,
gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die
Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC
en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek
van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die
Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en
meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011
lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie.
Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese
beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van
hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering
en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale
magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof
beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit
moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling
van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.
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Local government and sustainable human development: local government as development agent in the promotion of local economic developmentNoble, Hugo Robert 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research report investigates the theoretical foundation of the understanding of
decision-makers at local government level of the term "development", with specific
reference to local government as development agent and Local Economic
Development. The choice of theoretical model by these decision-makers to
conceptualise their understanding has historical and analytical antecedents, and
secondly, the decision-maker is faced with a basic dualism in developmental thinking,
ie. the emphasis on universalism (global competitiveness) on the one hand and the
need for specificity (local economic development) on the other. The theoretical
principles and assumptions on which the neoliberal and market-orientated approach to
development is based are incorporated in the macroeconomic policy approach 'Growth,
Employment and Redistribution' in South Africa. This approach has recently
overshadowed the social welfarist developmental approach represented by the
'Reconstruction and Development Program' or Sustainable Human Development. The
basis for specific policy formulation and intervention strategies are found in the
theoretical assumptions, goals and objectives in each of these alternate approaches to
development.
The research design for the study is primarily qualitative. A semi-structured interview
schedule is applied in directing in-depth interviews with identified central decisionmakers
in metropolitan and larger "B" municipalities. The research design and process
is constructed around three themes based on current and historic analysis of
development thinking as a means to address poverty and inequality: theme 1 -
theoretical understanding of the term development, Economic Growth in the formal
sector versus Sustainable Human Development; theme 2 - the nature and relevance
of participation by civil society in the Local Economic Development (LEO) process; and
theme 3- Local Economic Development and the role of infrastructure investment, land
use planning and zoning as intervention strategy. A benchmark position is developed
on local government as development agent and LEO, using various sources, for
example, interview with Director-General in the Department of Provincial and Local Government dealing with Local Economic Development, the Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa and legislative acts and policy papers relevant to LED. This
position is compared with the position held by local government decision-makers
dealing with LED.
The analysis of the information collected suggests that the theoretical perspective and
policy framework on development, participation and strategies to address inequality and
poverty, ie Sustainable Human Development (researchers title) held by the Department
of Provincial and Local Government (DPLG) is not compatible with the definition and
understanding of the majority of the decision-makers at local government level dealing
directly with LED. The notion of participative development with anti-poverty strategies
focussed on poor urban citizenry at the local level is not seen as the relevant theoretical
or applied focus by developmental decision-makers at municipal level. In addition,
limited knowledge is available to local government decision-makers on both formal and
informal economic activity. In this regard, de facto leadership has already been handed
over to formal-economy organisations and institutions. The idea of using land-use
planning and zoning regulations to reorientate economic activity to low- and informal
housing settlements and the reconstitution of low-and informal housing as sites of
manufacture utilising flexible specialisation principles was positively received. However,
the respondents were either not knowledgeable about these principles, for example;
Globalisation of production and flexible production processes, or had not considered
them in relation to their planning, land use or zoning and development functions.
In the light of the above, the notion of local government as development agent with
specific reference to addressing poverty and inequality utilising the Local Economic
Development process as envisaged by the Department of Provincial and Local
Government does not have the majority support of decision-makers at city and metro
level. The majority of respondents defined the process of consultation as limited to
formal economic sectors that were/could be competitive in the new global economy.
The majority of decision-makers hold the view that the redefinition and location of sites
of economic activity could be delegated to these formal sector organisations and
institutions. Their common understanding of development and the related intervention
strategies was based on formal sector growth and related job creation strategies, as well as the "trickle-down" of resources and opportunities to the informal sector. If they
wish to remain relevant in this context the Department of Provincial and Local
Government has to develop intervention strategies to reorientate and redefine the
theoretical and applied definition of development held by the decision-makers especially
with regard to Local Economic Development. If these issues are not addressed the form
and shape of South Africa cities and metros will be based on the entrenchment and
escalation of economic dualism and exclusion of the poor from any developmental
decision-making and strategies. This has serious implications for the development of
local democracies and developmental institutions based on the formulation and
understanding of local conditions and circumstances of poverty and inequality and
holds serious implications for social stability in the South African metros and
municipalities in the future. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsingsverslag ondersoek die teoretiese begronding van die begrip wat
besluitnemers op plaaslike regeringsvlak het van die term "ontwikkeling "met spesifieke
verwysing na plaaslike regering as ontwikkelingsagent en Plaaslike Ekonomiese
Ontwikkeling. Die keuse van teoretiese modelle deur hierdie besluitnemers het
historiese en analitiese voorlopers en tweedens, word die besluitnemer in die gesig
gestaar deur 'n basiese dualisme in ontwikkelingsdenke, die klem op universalisme
(globale kompeterendheid) aan die een kant en die behoefte aan spesifiekheid
(plaaslike ekonomiese ontwikkeling) aan die ander kant. Die teoretiese beginsels en
aannames waarop die neoliberale en markgeorienteerde benaderings tot ontwikkeling
berus, word gei"nkorporeer in die makro-ekonomiese benadering "Groei,
Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling" (GEAR) in Suid Afrika. Hierdie benadering het
onlangs die sosiale welsynsontwikkelingsbenadering, wat verleenwoordig is deur die
"Heropbou en Ontwikkelingsprogram" (HOP) of Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling, in
die skadu gestel. Die basis vir spesifieke beleidsvorming en intervensiestrategiee word
gevind in die teoretiese aannames, doelwitte en doelstellings in elk van hierdie
altematiewe benaderings tot ontwikkeling.
Die navorsingsontwerp vir hierdie studie is primer kwalitatief. 'n Semi-gestruktureerde
onderhoudskedule word toegepas am rigting te gee aan in-diepte onderhoude met
geidentifiseerde sentrale besluitnemers in metropolitaanse en groter "B" munisipaliteite.
Die navorsingsontwerp en proses is gekonstrueer rondom drie temas wat gebaseer is
op huidige en historiese analise van ontwikkelingsdenke as 'n manier waarop armoede
en ongelykheid aangespreek kan word: tema 1 - teoretiese begrip van die term
ontwikkeling, ekonomiese groei in die formele sektor teenoor Volhoubare Menslike
Ontwikkeling; tema 2 - die aard en relevansie van deelname deur die siviele
samelewing en die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses (PEO); en tema 3 -
Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling en die rol van infrastruktuurbelegging,
grondgebruikbeplaning en sonering as 'n intervensie-strategie. 'n Beginpuntposisie
word ontwikkel oar plaaslike regering en PEO deur gebruik te maak van verskeie
bronne, byvoorbeeld, onderhoude met die Direkteur-Generaal in die Deparlement van
Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering gemoeid met Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkeling
(PEO) , die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid Afrika en wetgewing en beleidskrifte
relevant tot PEO. Hierdie posisie word vergelyk met die posisie wat ingeneem word
deur plaaslike regeringsbestuurbesluitnemers gemoeid met PEO.
Die analise van die inligting wat ingesamel is suggereer dat die teoretiese perspektief
en beleidsraamwerk oor ontwikkeling, deelname en strategiee om ongelykheid en
armoede aan te spreek, die Volhoubare Menslike Ontwikkeling (navorserstitel) wat
gehuldig word deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering (DPPR) nie
versoenbaar is met die definisie en begrip van die meerderheid van die besluitnemers
op plaaslike regeringsvlak wat direk gemoeid is met PEO nie. Die idee van
deelnemende ontwikkeling met anti-armoede strategiee wat gefokus is op arm stedelike
burgers op plaaslike vlak word nie deur die ontwikkelingsbesluitnemers op munisipale
vlak beskou as die relevante oftoegepaste fokus nie. Bykomend is beperkte kennis tot
beskikking van plaaslike regeringsbesluitnemers oor beide formele en informele
ekonomiese aktiwiteite. In hierdie verband is de facto leierskap alreeds oorhandig aan
formele ekonomiese organisasies en instellings. Die idee van die gebruik van
grondgebruik- en soneringsregulasies om ekonomiese aktiwiteite tot lae en informele
behuisingsnedersetfings te herorienteer en die hersamestelling van lae en informele
behuising as plekke vir vervaardiging deur gebruik te maak van buigbare
spesialiseringsbeginsels is goed ontvang. Die respondente was egter nie ingelig oor
hierdie beginsels, of hulle het weggelaat om hierdie beginsels in berekening te bring by
hul beplanning, grondgebruik of sonering en ontwikkelingsfunksies.
In die lig van bogenoemde het die idee van plaaslike regering as ontwikkelingsagent
met spesifieke verwysing tot die aanspreek van armoede en ongelykheid, deur gebruik
te maak van die Plaaslike Ekonomiese Ontwikkelingsproses, soos in die vooruitsig
gestel deur die Departement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering, nie die
meerderheidsteun van besluitnemers op staats- en metrovlak nie. Die meerderheid van
die respondente het die proses van beraadslaging gedefinieer as beperk tot die formele
ekonomiese sektore wat kompeterend was of kan wees in die nuwe globale ekonomie.
Die meerderheid van hierdie besluitnemers is van mening dat die herdefiniering en
plasing van plekke van ekonomiese aktiwiteite gedelegeer kan word aan hierdie
formele sektororganisasies en instellings. Hierdie gedeelde begrip van ontwikkeling en verbandhoudende intervensie-strategiee was gebaseer op groei in die formele sektor
en verbandhoudende werkskeppingstrategiee, asook die "afsyfering" van bronne en
geleenthede na die informele sektor. As dit hul wens is om in hierdie konteks relevant
te bly, moet die Oepartement van Provinsiale en Plaaslike Regering intervensiestrategiee
ontwikkel om die teoretiese en toegepaste definisie van ontwikkeling, wat
gehuldig word deur besluitnemers, veral met betrekking tot Plaaslike Ekonomiese
Ontwikkeling te herorienteer en te herdefineer. Indien hierdie aangeleenthede nie
aangespreek word nie sal die vorm en fatsoen van Suid-Afrikaanse stede en metros
gebaseer wees op die verskansing en uitbreiding van ekonomiese dualisme en die
uitsluiting van die armes van enige ontwikkelingsbesluitneming en strategie. Oit het
ernstige implikasies vir die ontwikkeling van plaaslike demokrasie en
ontwikkelingsinstellings gebaseer op die formulering en begrip van plaaslike toestande
en omstandighede van armoede en ongelykheid en hou ernstige implikasies in vir die
sosiale stabiliteit in die Suid-Afrikaanse metros en munisipaliteite in die toekoms.
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Local economic development, industrial policy and sustainable development in South Africa : a critical reflection on three new policy frameworksRivett-Carnac, Kate 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (School of Public Management and Planning))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This dissertation considers the coherence of the prescriptions contained within three
recently released government frameworks: the National Framework for Sustainable
Development, National Industrial Policy Framework and National Framework for
Local Economic Development. A central assumption in this regard is that a level of
coherence in policy prescriptions is necessary for effective and complementary
implementation. Each of these frameworks has been developed in the context of
renewed commitment from the South African state to halve unemployment and
poverty by 2014. It is likely therefore that the frameworks will affect resource
allocation with outcomes which will have impacts on South African society at large.
Thus coherence is an important consideration.
The analysis is undertaken against the background of:
- a limited literature review on policy-making (within the broader policy studies field),
- a discussion of the political economy of South Africa, and
- a consideration of certain key debates within the global ‘development’ discourse.
This includes particular reference to the concepts of ‘sustainable development’,
‘industrial development’ and ‘local economic development’ within that discourse.
In addition, in order to gain some insight into the policy-making processes that were
followed in the production of each of the frameworks, a limited number of key
informant interviews was conducted. These interviews highlight certain elements and
factors that impacted on the final policy products and the compromises that were
reached around policy content.
The body of the analysis - a comparative content analysis of the frameworks - is
undertaken through a discussion of the manner in which the frameworks deal with
four cross-cutting themes. These four cross-cutting themes are: eco-system
considerations, social considerations, economic considerations and institutional/
governance considerations. This comparative reading of the frameworks exposes
certain divergent policy prescriptions and confirms that disagreement exists within
government itself on the country’s desired development path.
The conclusion then discusses what is required to put in place a coherent policy
making system in South Africa. It is proposed that the accommodation of policy
coherence should not come at the expense of diversity and the expression of
‘profanity’ (contestation). The value of deliberative democracy, pluralism and
complexity are highlighted in this regard. A number of recommendations are made.
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Successes and failures of BBBEE : a critical assessment / Successes and failures of broad-based black economic empowerment : a critical assessmentNgwenya, Fortune Sibusiso 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: We critically assess the successes and failures of the economic phenomenon that is Black Economic Empowerment as represented by the Ownership Element of the Scorecard. We briefly evaluate the successes and failures of the first wave of BEE deals on the JSE and through the use of contemporary observations of this phenomenon as reported on by the media, we make the key assumption that these media reports are an unbiased account of the phenomenon. We critically assess the current status of BEE and find that progress has been made in terms of black ownership on the JSE, as well as on the legislative front, through the introduction of a comprehensive standardised measurement framework. The progress has in the main been extremely slow and limited. We also find that whilst funding models have improved, the success of BEE deals is still to a large extent dependent on stellar performance of the Stock Exchange and generous dividend policies. Disappointingly we also find that the debate about what constitutes broad-base BEE continues unabated as most deals continue to fail to meet public expectations of broad-base empowerment and equitable equity participation by all BEE deal beneficiaries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bied 'n kritiese evaluering van die suksesse en mislukkings van die ekonomiese verskynsel genaamd swart ekonomiese bemagtiging (SEB) aan die hand van die eienaarskapelement van die telkaart. Die eerste vlaag SEB-transaksies op die Johannesburgse Effektebeurs (JEB) word kortliks beoordeel, waarna die media se eietydse waarnemings oor hierdie verskynsel tot die sleutelaanname lei dat sodanige mediaberigte 'n onbevooroordeelde weergawe van die stand van swart ekonomiese bemagtiging is. Die studie bied 'n kritiese beskouing van die huidige status van SEB, en dat daar wél vordering gemaak is met betrekking tot swart eienaarskap op die JEB, sowel as op wetgewende gebied deur die instelling van 'n omvattende, gestandaardiseerde metingsraamwerk. Vordering was egter tot op hede merendeels uiters stadig en beperk. Die studie bevind ook dat hoewel finansieringsmodelle verbeter het, die sukses van SEB-transaksies steeds in 'n groot mate van 'n goeie vertoning op die effektebeurs en ruimhartige dividendbeleid afhang. 'n Teleurstellende bevinding is dat die debat oor die werklike betekenis van breedgebaseerde SEB onverpoos voortduur namate die meeste transaksies versuim om aan die openbare verwagting van breedgebaseerde bemagtiging en gelyke aandeelhouding deur alle SEB-transaksiebegunstigdes te voldoen.
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Black economic empowerment and its impact on tendering procedures and processes within the Ministry of Public Works-KZN.Mkhize, Nozipho Fortunate. January 2012 (has links)
The goal of this study was to determine the impact of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE)
on the tendering procedures and processes in the Ministry of Public Works, KwaZulu-Natal (KZN).
The study identified the problems with regard to the implementation of BEE within the
Ministry and insight was gained into how BEE policies are structured and the particular goals
set by the Ministry in that regard. This was undertaken with a view to determining the effect
that BEE has on public administration practice, with particular emphasis on the tendering
processes of the Ministry.
Based on insight gained through this research, the study concludes with a set of
recommendations which, hopefully, will improve BEE practices in tendering policies and
procedures in the Ministry.
This was a qualitative study, which collected data using structured questionnaires and one-onone
interviews with selected senior officials sampled from the population group within the
Ministry. In addition, the study utilised secondary information through a thorough literature
review of the subject matter as well as relevant reports, policies and legislation. / Thesis (MPA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2012.
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Black economic empowerment in South Africa : a perspective from Jürgen Habermas's theory of law and democracyHugo, Anneline 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Socio-economic transformation has been a central point on the agenda of the South African government since 1994. The deeply embedded inequality that is portrayed by socio-economic statistics of the time, justifies this mandate. The Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) strategy is meant to play a key role as an integrated legislative approach towards transformation. However, BEE is an emotionally laden subject that, as a strategy for transformation, attracts criticism from many different sources. The complexities surrounding BEE warrant us to ask whether the current approach towards socio-economic transformation (through BEE) is a legitimate way to address the problems of inequality, unemployment and poverty that the country face.
Jürgen Habermas’s theory of democratic law provides us with a theoretical framework that we can use to understand the dynamics of BEE as instrument for transformation. According to Habermas, law can work as a mechanism of social integration in a democratic country like South Africa. Habermas argues that social integration can only take place through law if it is factual and normative at the same time. This also applies to BEE as a law in South Africa. For a law to be accepted as normative, it needs to be seen as legitimate, thus morally and ethically acceptable. These are all prerequisites for the legislated BEE strategy in order to enable social integration.
The linkage of Habermas’s theory of democratic law and the practical example of BEE legislation in South Africa, leads to a better understanding of the complexities that surrounds the issue of institutionalised and legislated socio-economic transformation. It does not necessarily provide infallible solutions, but important insight into the current problems. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert 1994 is sosio-ekonomiese transformasie ‘n sentrale punt op die agenda van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering. Hierdie mandaat word geregverdig deur die diepliggende ongelykheid wat sigbaar is in die ontwikkelingstatistiek van die tyd. Die Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (SEB) –strategie is veronderstel om ‘n sleutelrol te speel as ‘n geïntegreerde wetlike benadering tot transformasie. SEB is egter ‘n emosioneel-belaaide onderwerp wat as strategie vir transformasie kritiek ontlok van baie verskillende oorde. Die kompleksiteite rondom SEB regverdig ons om te vra of die huidige benadering tot sosio-ekonomiese transformasie (deur SEB) die mees legitieme manier is om die probleme van ongelykheid, werkloosheid en armoede aan te spreek wat die land in die gesig staar.
Jürgen Habermas se teorie vir demokratiese regspraak dien as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk wat ons kan inspan om die dinamika van SEB as instrument vir transformasie te verstaan. Na aanleiding van Habermas kan wet werk as ‘n meganisme vir sosiale integrasie in ‘n demokratiese land soos Suid-Afrika. Habermas verduidelik verder dat sosiale integrasie net kan plaasvind deur ‘n wet as die wet terselftertyd feitelik en normatief is. Dit is ook van toepassing op SEB, as ‘n wet in Suid-Afrika. Vir ‘n wet om normatief te wees, moet dit gesien word as legitiem, dus moreel en eties aanvaarbaar. Hierdie is alles voorvereistes waaraan die wetlike SEB strategie moet voldoen om sosiale integrasie te kan bewerkstellig.
Die analogie tussen Habermas se teorie vir ‘n demokratiese regstelsel en die praktiese voorbeeld van SEB in Suid-Afrika, lei tot beter begrip vir die kompleksiteite rondom die kwessie van geïnstitusionaliseerde en wetlike sosio-ekonomiese transformasie. Onfeilbare oplossings word nie noodwendig verskaf nie, maar wel insig in die huidige probleme.
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Evaluation of international aid in Nelson Mandela Bay and Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape Province of South AfricaLwanga-Iga, Ivan January 2012 (has links)
International Aid or Official Development Assistance (ODA), especially its implementation and effectiveness, has long been and continues to be a vigorously contested matter amongst the stakeholders in the development arena. The objective of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of ODA in two municipalities in the Eastern Cape – Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities – during the period 2005–2010. This period coincided with the introduction of the Paris Declaration (PD), an intervention intended to improve the ODA or Aid landscape globally. This was also the period during which the so-called service delivery protests in almost all municipalities in South Africa escalated. A diversified methodology including both quantitative and qualitative approaches was used in this study while adhering to the evaluation framework of the Paris Declaration as recommended by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This framework put special focus on the five principles of ownership, alignment, harmonisation, managing for results and mutual accountability. Of particular significance in this study is the special attention paid to the actual beneficiaries on the ground, namely the communities, which is contrary to most existing Paris Declaration evaluations. The research findings suggested that there had been no conscious efforts to implement the Paris Declaration in the two municipalities that were investigated. Furthermore, the prevailing weaknesses in governance, coupled with both administrative and operational paralysis in these two institutions, provided for less than fertile ground for this intervention to thrive.The findings also highlighted that ODA programmes were very poorly known by most stakeholders, especially the communities who were supposed to benefit directly from this assistance. These results also underscored the partisan nature of ODA and how it influenced the perceptions of the various key players. The success and future of ODA programmes in South Africa, particularly in municipalities, will largely rely on “Active Citizenry”. Although ODA’s contribution to South Africa seems negligible in monetary terms, its significance lies among others in the innovations, piloting, risk mitigation, catalytic initiatives and capacity development it introduces or generates and which need to be correctly exploited, implemented and maximised. ODA in South Africa should therefore focus at the local level, the municipalities, which represent the interface between the citizens and the state. To ensure that the ensuing innovations are optimally cascaded down in an organised and effective manner to where they are mostly needed, ODA should preferably operate at the strategic level in municipalities. This would in turn assist in counteracting the current high levels of poverty and inequality in the country. Study findings further suggest that South Africa should cease its current ambivalence regarding ODA and refrain from the so-called “Triangular” ODA in support of the rest of Africa. The demands in it’s own back yard are steadily mounting. This is clearly reflected by the continuous service delivery protests and instability in several municipalities in South Africa.
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