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Durante a Primeira Reunião de Presidentes da América do Sul, ocorrida em Brasília, no ano de 2000, representantes dos doze Estados independentes do subcontinente acordaram reunir esforços em um plano para Integração da Infraestrutura Regional Sul-Americana (IIRSA). A importância da integração física para a consecução dos objetivos de integração regional foi reafirmada com o lançamento da iniciativa, de abrangência sem precedentes. A presente dissertação analisa as formas pelas quais a IIRSA, com suas particularidades, pode contribuir para o momento atual da integração regional sul-americana. A fim de dar conta do caráter multiescalar da integração física, foi desenvolvida uma abordagem (multi)territorial para o entendimento dos processos de integração regional e apreensão da multiplicidade de interesses neles envolvidos. / During the First Meeting of South American Presidents, held in Brasília, in 2000, representatives of the twelve independent states of the subcontinent have agreed to join forces in a plan for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA). The importance of physical integration to achieve the goals of regional integration was reaffirmed with the launch of the initiative of unprecedented scope. This study examines the ways in which the IIRSA, considering its particular features, can contribute to the current moment of regional integration in South America. In order to account for the multiscale character of physical integration, a (multi)territorial approach was developed in the analysis of the regional integration processes and the understanding of the multiple interests involved therein.

[pt] A presente tese trata da constituição da União das Nações Sul-Americanas – Unasul à luz do pensamento social e político brasileiro. A Unasul é uma organização internacional composta pelos doze Estados independentes da América do Sul e que almeja estabelecer ampla integração regional conforme seu tratado constitutivo. O Brasil desempenhou um papel fundamental em sua criação devido a seu peso geopolítico no espaço regional. A lógica política subjacente ao processo emula características que são homólogas a uma determinada linhagem do pensamento social e político brasileiro de natureza identitária, que pode ser designada por terminologias diversas: saquarema, idealista orgânica, iberista, desenvolvimentista. / [en] This thesis deals with the constitution of the Union of South American Nations – UNASUL in the light of Brazilian social and political thought. UNASUR is an international organization composed of the twelve independent states of South America and which aims to establish broad regional integration according to its constitutional treaty. Brazil played a fundamental role in its creation due to its geopolitical weight in the regional space. The political logic underlying the process emulates characteristics that are homologous to a particular line of Brazilian social and political thought of an identity nature, which can be termed various terminologies: saquarema, organic idealist, iberista, developmentalist.

Depuis les années 60, l'Amérique Latine avait accueilli les suggestions des organismes économiques internationaux (OEIs) sur la façon de réussir le développement. Dans les années 70, les Nations Unies ont suggéré la politique où les pays pourraient définir indépendamment leur propre politique nationale et internationale pour atteindre leur développement. Cela n'a pas fonctionné en raison de l'interdépendance croissante (de quoi ?); donc, dans la deuxième moitié des années 80, le Consensus de Washington a remplacé cette politique. Le Consensus de Washington disait que, la globalisation favorise le multilatéralisme dans la mesure où un pays ne peut pas prendre unilatéralement des décisions qui affecteront d'autres pays. Et même que cela paraît-t il vraisemblable, il signifierait que le libre-échange doit régner en maître et au-dessus des actions des Etats, éliminant tout entrave aux échanges et aux investissements à l'étranger. Selon la Commission des Nations Unies pour le Commerce et le Développement (CNUCED), « la production internationale est devenue la caractéristique structurale centrale de l'économie mondiale ». Une plus grande liberté de commerce et une large ouverture aux mouvements de capitaux, pourrai mener les nations sous-développés à la croissance économique comparable à celle des pays riches. En conséquence, beaucoup de pays latino-américains qui avaient rejoint entretemps le néolibéralisme proposé par le Consensus de Washington en 1989, ont ainsi mise en place des mesures visant à réduire les entraves au commerce : ils ont ouvert leurs marchés aux capitaux étrangers et suivi plusieurs des indications des OEIs ; le but étant le développement par l'internationalisation. Des économies nationales rejoignent ainsi un réseau du commerce international, d'investissement et de crédit où le commerce devait apporter le développement. Les OEIs ont indiqué que la taille du marché national n'importe plus si un pays se focalise sur de plus grands marchés internationaux. L'internalisation des normes de Consensus de Washington était difficile pour les SSE parce que les règles de ce consensus les ont pris en tant que groupe « d'une taille unique, ouvert, juste, établie sur le terrain d'une régulation non discriminatoires » approchez pour la multilatéralisation du commerce et du développement. Cependant, les SSE n'ont pas tiré profit de ces mesures car ils ne faisaient pas le poids des puissances au point d'influencer les règlements du libre échange et de la libéralisation de l'investissement directe étrangère (ou IDE). Ils n´ont pas la capacité ni le pouvoir de changer la structure des normes à l'intérieur des OEIs, où les politiques et les lois internationales sont suggérées sans prendre en considération des privilèges particuliers ni les besoins propre à chacun. Cette marginalisation dans la scène internationale accentue les problèmes économiques et sociaux qui sont à l'origine de l'agitation sociale constante et mettent en péril la stabilité de leur gouvernement. Plusieurs chercheurs et gouvernements ne perçoivent pas ces vrais problèmes et ne peuvent pas ainsi prévoir des mesures proportionnées pendant les négociations internationales. Le pire est que, les EPT ne connaissent pas eux même leur faiblesses et comment les évaluez. Avec cette thèse, nous voulons explorer la capacité d'insertion des EPT sur la scène internationale. De ce fait, la thèse est divisée en deux parties : dans la première partie, nous analyserons pourquoi après plusieurs années de multilatéralisme proposé par les OEIs, aucune amélioration en termes de l'internationalisation et du développement de certains pays sud-américains n'a été constaté ; mais au contraire, il y a eu un accroissement de la pauvreté. Nous pensons que c'est le fait que la scène internationale a été ordonnée seulement par les plus grandes économies laissant de côte la majorité des pays en voie de développement et leurs besoins. / Since the 60s, Latin America has been hearing the suggestions of International Economic Organizations (IEOs) on how to reach development. In the 70s, the United Nations suggested the politics of development, where the countries could define independently their own national and international politics to reach development and be equally rich. This did not work due to the increasing interdependence; therefore, in the second half of the 80s, the Washington Consensus replaced this policy. The Washington Consensus claims that globalization promotes multilateralism and does not allow countries to take unilateral decisions because they affect others and are being affected by other countries' decisions as well. Although this made a lot of sense, it would mean that the free market prevailed over the actions of the government, eliminating all barriers to trade and to foreign investments. According to the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), "International production has become the central structural characteristic of the world economy”. A greater freedom to trade, plus the opening of capital flows, could lead the underdeveloped nations to economic growth showing as a sample the rich countries. Therefore, many Latin American countries joined the neoliberalism that was proposed by the Washington Consensus in 1989, reduced trade barriers, opened up their markets to foreign capitals and followed many of the indications of the IEOs in order to find development through internationalization. National economies are linked together by a network of trade, investment and credit and this link is supposed to bring development. The IEOs said that the national market size does not matter anymore if a country focuses on larger international markets. Internalizing the Washington Consensus norms was difficult for Small Size Economies (SSE) because the rules of this Consensus took all the countries as a group of a unique size and established on common and non discriminatory rules to approach multilateralization. However, the SSE had no part of the cake and no power to influence the regulations of free trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization. The same, they do not have the capacity or power to change the norm structure inside the IEOs (where policies and international laws are suggested) that could take them into account with particular privileges according to their specific needs. This marginalization in the international arena is believed to have accentuated economic and social problems that now keep them in constant social turmoil and put in risk their government's stability. Several researches and governments do not perceive this problem and cannot foresee adequate reactions in international negotiations. Worst, SSE do not know themselves what are their weakness and how to asses them. With this thesis, we want to explore the power of SSE on international insertion. For this, the thesis is divided in two parts. The problem that we want to analyze in the first part is why after several years of multilateralism proposed by the IEOs, internationalization and development did not improve for some of the South American countries increasing poverty. It seem that the reason lies in the fact that the international arena was only ruled by the largest economies leaving aside to the majority of the developing countries and their needs. This is why we wanted to explore (main goal) under what circumstances multilateralism and the Washington Consensus was applied, which were the options to improve the situation within multilateralism and what was the impact of multilateralism as proposed by the IEOs in terms of internationalization and development.

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This dissertation compares the effects of progressive social reform on income inequality in the Southern Cone of South America, Scandinavia, and Australasia. These regions faced comparable economic challenges at the start of the 20th century, but experienced different trends of income inequality after they introduced progressive policies in this period. Australasia and Scandinavia converged on a downward trend while the Southern Cone remained comparatively more unequal. The dissertation concentrates on three areas that significantly predict inequality in contemporary research: labour markets, education, and taxation and spending policies. Existing explanations usually focus on supply-side aspects of policy reform: wage regulation, and increased taxation and spending on education and social insurance, are thought to bring inequality down in the long-run. These reforms are seen as the outcome of the relative power of working class groups over elites. Despite institutional variation, the three regions enacted progressive policies to address distributional conflict and protect their economies from global risks. I study the demand-side of policy reform; policies faced considerable collective action problems to promote compliance and cooperation in order to work in the long-time and include populations at large. The fact that most people were motivated to comply meant that labour markets generated formality and standard wages, education increased human capital, and spending became stable as the tax base increased in Scandinavia and the Antipodes. The opposite happened in the Southern Cone as social actors tried to link selectively with the state while state officials neglected the material constraints that limited access to welfare and education. Each chapter spells out the conditions through which policy addressed collective action problems to motivate cooperation with wage agreements, sending children to school, and compliance with taxation and spending policies. Behind comparable aggregate numbers in these areas, the underlying social processes differed as Australasians and Scandinavians fostered cooperation between state and social actors, while the Southern Cone did not.

This article presents key data and discussion about the initial peopling of northwestern South America, highlighting its strategic significance in the continental context, cultural variability and landscape change over time. In Colombia there is very little relevant information regarding occupations prior to 12,000 BP; in contrast, the information is abundant relative to a number ofearly contexts during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. The variability among unifacial and bifacial lithic assemblages reported in different physiographic regions indicates alternative models on early settlement to regional level. Considering the importanceof the inter-Andean valley of the Magdalena River, this article emphasizes the archaeological contexts and paleoenvironmental information, highlighting environmental impacts associated not only to global climate change, but in particular of the effects ofvolcanism. The article stresses the findings and chronologies of bifacial lithic assemblages of the Magdalena Valley in relation to the early archaeology of northwestern South America. / En este artículo se presentan los principales datos y reflexiones asociados al poblamiento inicial del noroccidente de Sudamérica debido a su significado estratégico en el marco continental, se destacará la variabilidad cultural y se enfatizarán los cambios depaisajes en el transcurso del tiempo. En Colombia existe muy poca información relevante relacionada con las ocupaciones anterioresa 12.000 AP; en contraste, la información es abundante en cuanto al número de contextos tempranos durante la transición Pleistoceno-Holoceno. La variabilidad entre los conjuntos líticos unifaciales y bifaciales reportados en distintas regiones fisiográficas plantea propuestas de modelos alternativos sobre el poblamiento temprano a escala regional. Considerando la importancia del valle interandino del río Magdalena, se recalcan los contextos arqueológicos e información paleoambiental. Asimismo, se destacan los impactos ambientales que demuestran por qué no perduraron las evidencias del Pleniglacial, lo que podría deberse a efectos asociados no solo al cambio climático global, sino, en particular, a causa del vulcanismo. Este trabajo resalta los hallazgos y cronologías de los conjuntos líticos bifaciales del valle del Magdalena en relación con la arqueología temprana del noroccidente de Sudamérica.

O objetivo geral deste trabalho é analisar a recente fase de integração da América do Sul a partir da estratégia da política externa brasileira no governo do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, com ênfase nas instituições desta integração, utilizando a análise dos discursos e ações, a comparação histórica a processos e períodos relacionados à integração na região e em outras regiões, bem como os condicionantes nacionais, regionais e internacionais. Partimos da premissa de que o sistema internacional está fragmentado em sua ordem, num movimento cíclico da economia capitalista com reestruturação científico-tecnológica de alta intensidade, forjando-se um cenário multipolar em blocos onde se destacam processos de integração regional. A estratégia de integração do governo Lula se dá a partir da conjunção de três principais vertentes: infraestrutura com a IIRSA, econômico-comercial com a ampliação do Mercosul, e política com a Unasul, que se desdobra em áreas sensíveis como a segurança e defesa. A OTCA recebe um tratamento especial por parte da diplomacia brasileira, objetivando não abrir espaços para o aparecimento de iniciativas de influência externa na região Amazônica, seja de Estados ou ONG. A estratégia de integração do governo Lula é solidária com objetivos de médio e longo prazo, não intervencionista sem ser indiferente, objetivando o fortalecimento de sua posição regional e daí internacionalmente, possui características institucionais de neofuncionalismo com intergovernamentalismo, enfatizando a diminuição das assimetrias, com o Brasil assumindo o papel de país pagador. Em comparação com o mais avançado processo de integração, a União Europeia, a integração sulamericana não permite vislumbrar o mesmo alcance de complementaridade econômica que tornou a experiência no velho continente um ator importante no cenário internacional. Comparada às experiências na região latina e sulamericana, existem semelhanças na trajetória institucional e nas dificuldades político, econômica e institucionais de concretização de uma União Aduaneira, como no Mercosul, bem como na flexibilidade e gradualismo deste. Por outro lado as diferenças em termos de integração física, de um país pagador, do foco nas assimetrias, na diminuição das desigualdades sociais, dos condicionantes internacionais, regionais e nacionais remetem a um processo em formação, como nunca na história do Brasil. / The general objective of this study is to analyze the recent phase of South America integration concerning to the international politics strategy of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administration, focusing on the institutions, using the analysis of the speeches and actions, the historical comparisons between periods and processes related to integration in the region and other regions, as well as national, regional and international constraints. Our premise is that the international system is fragmented in its order, in a cyclical movement of capitalist economy with high intensity scientific-technological restructuring that forges a multipolar scenario in blocks which highlight regional integration processes. The integration strategy of the Lula’s administration happens from the conjunction of three main areas: infrastructure to IIRSA, economic-trade with expansion of Mercosul, and politics with Unasul, which unfolds in sensitive areas such as security and defense. OTCA receives a special treatment by the Brazilian diplomacy, aiming to open spaces for the emergence of initiatives from outside influence in the Amazon region, whether by States or NGOs. The integration strategy of the Lula administration is sympathetic with medium and long term targets, non-interventionist but not being indifferent, aiming to strengthen its regional and international position, has institutional characteristics of neofunctionalism with intergovernmental relations, emphasizing the reduction of asymmetries, with Brazil assuming the role of paymaster. Compared with the more advanced integration process – the European Union – the South American integration do not reveal the same range of economic complementarity that has became the Old World experience a key player in the international arena. Compared to the experiences in Latin and South American region, there are similarities in the institutional history and also in the political, economic and institutional difficulties for implementation of a Customs Union, as in Mercosul, as well as this flexibility and gradualism. Otherwise the differences in terms of physical integration, for a payer country, the focus on asymmetries, in the reduction of social inequalities, as well as international, regional and national determinants resolve to a formation process, as ever in the history of Brazil.

No presente trabalho busca-se explicar as transformações ocorridas nas relações entre Brasil e Venezuela ao longo de um período que se inicia em 1990 e se estende até 1998. Temse como objetivo identificar os condicionantes políticos e econômicos e os agentes principais desse processo que se caracterizou pela aceleração e densificação das relações bilaterais, principalmente após o encontro presidencial de La Guzmania, no dia 4 de março de 1994. Para melhor compreender esse processo, são estudados, num primeiro capítulo, os antecedentes das relações entre Brasil e Venezuela; em seguida, no segundo capítulo, são analisadas as transformações ocorridas no sistema internacional entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990, depois são analisados os processos de formação de blocos e de cooperação na América Latina nesse novo contexto internacional e o impacto das transformações do cenário internacional nas políticas externas do Brasil e da Venezuela. Finalmente, no último capítulo, através da análise dos dados empíricos coletados durante a pesquisa de campo e do estudo da bibliografia disponível, busca-se verificar os fatos políticos e econômicos, ocorridos entre 1990 a 1998, que marcaram as relações entre os dois países e explicar a intensificação do processo de aproximação entre Brasil e Venezuela nesse período. / This paper aims to analyze the relationship between Brazil and Venezuela, from 1990 to 1998. The intention is to confirm, and then explain, the process, during those nine years, that brought the two countries into a deeper cooperation. For a better understanding, the past history of the relationship between Brazil and Venezuela is studied in the first chapter; in the next chapter, the transformations of the international system within 1980 and 1990, the Free Trade Areas trend in Latin America, and the impact of those changes in the international system over the Brazilian and Venezuelan foreign policies is analyzed. Finally, in the last chapter, relationship between Brazil and Venezuela is studied in details through the analysis of the researched data. It intends to identify the political and economical motivations behind the pattern’s change in the relationship between the two countries.

O tema desta pesquisa consiste na política externa do governo Dilma Rousseff para a América do Sul. Dessa forma, adotando-se como marco teórico-conceitual os padrões de conduta e os paradigmas da política externa de Amado Luiz Cervo (2008), o objetivo do trabalho é avaliar se há uma continuidade em relação ao governo Lula da Silva nas relações regionais. Mais especificamente, a pergunta que guia essa pesquisa é se a política externa sob o governo Rousseff mantém ou não o paradigma do Estado logístico para a integração sul-americana. Como hipótese, considera-se que a política externa do governo Rousseff para a região, em relação ao governo anterior, não representa completa continuidade e, sim, um ajuste. Esse ajuste devido à redução da intensidade da política externa seria o suficiente para descaracterizar o paradigma logístico observado ao longo do governo Lula. Para cumprir seus objetivos, esse trabalho está dividido em três partes. A Parte I aponta a intersecção entre a Análise de Política Externa e os Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais, a fim de esclarecer as bases para o trabalho que segue adiante A Parte II consiste no artigo científico sobre o tema, no qual residem os objetivos e hipóteses da pesquisa. Nessa parte, os padrões de conduta e paradigmas da Política Externa Brasileira (PEB) são analisados em uma perspectiva histórica. Além disso, são apresentados os indicadores que medem a intensidade do Estado logístico brasileiro para a América do Sul, através das viagens presidenciais e da promoção de infraestrutura regional. Por fim, são apontados os condicionantes internos, regionais e globais para o recuo do paradigma logístico no governo Dilma Rousseff. Conclui-se que o contexto adverso descaracteriza o Estado logístico brasileiro na atuação regional, o que deveria ser recuperado para os objetivos de inserção internacional autônoma e de integração sulamericana. Ao final, a Parte III sugere uma agenda para futuras pesquisas em relação ao tema abordado no trabalho. / The theme of this research is the Dilma Rousseff government's foreign policy to South America. Adopting as a theoretical and conceptual framework the standards of conduct and the paradigms of foreign policy from Amado Luiz Cervo (2008), the purpose of this study is to assess whether there is a continuity in relation to the Lula da Silva government in regional relations. More specifically, the question that guide this research is whether the foreign policy under the Rousseff government maintains, or not, the Logistical State paradigm for South American integration. As a hypothesis, it is considered that the Rousseff government foreign policy for the region, in relation to the previous government, is not a complete continuity, but rather, an adjustment. This adjustment because the reduced intensity of foreign policy would be enough to disfigure the logistical paradigm observed along Lula government. To meet its goals, this study is divided into three parts. Part I shows the intersection between the Foreign Policy Analysis and the International Strategic Studies, in order to clarify the basis for the study that goes on Part II consists of the scientific paper on the subject, in which reside the objectives and hypotheses of the research. In this part, the standards of conduct and paradigms of Brazilian foreign policy are analyzed in a historical perspective. In addition, the indicators are presented to measure the intensity of the Brazilian Logistical State to South America, through the presidential trips and the promotion of regional infrastructure. Finally, the internal, regional and global constraints for the decline of the logistics paradigm in government Dilma Rousseff are pointed. It concludes that the adverse context decharacterizes the Brazilian Logistical State in regional performance, which should be recovered for the purposes of independent international insertion and South American integration. Finally, Part III suggests an agenda for future research regarding the topic covered at the study.