Orientador: Eduardo Strachman / Banca: Francisco L. C. Lopreato / Banca: Cláudio C. de Paiva / Resumo: O trabalho apresenta um estudo (panorama) da política fiscal no Brasil no período de 1994 a 2008, analisando as receitas federais, as despesas da União, as variáveis Resultado Primário do Governo Central, Necessidade de Financiamento do Setor Público (NFSP) e Dívida Líquida do Setor Público (DLSP). Afirmamos que a política fiscal no Brasil foi conduzida de acordo com o novo regime macroeconômico e que as medidas adotadas no âmbito da política fiscal resultaram na construção de um novo regime fiscal. Coube à política fiscal, nesse novo regime, o papel de sustentabilidade da dívida, por meio de políticas adequadas de gastos e receitas, conduzida de maneira que pudessem ser alcançadas as metas de resultado primário / Abstract: The paper presents a study of fiscal policy in Brazil from 1994 to 2008, analyzing the federal revenues, the expenditures of the whole government sector in Brazil, the Primary Result of the Central Government, the of the Public Sector Borrowing Requirements (PSBR) and Public Sector Net Debt . We assert that fiscal policy in Brazil was conducted in accordance with the new macroeconomic regime, and that the measures adopted in that framework of fiscal policy resulted in the construction of a new fiscal regime. The fiscal policy in this new system has the role of debt sustainability, with suitable revenue and spending policy, conducted in a manner that could achieve the goals of the primary results / Mestre

Thesis. 1978. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Economics. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY. / Includes bibliographical references. / Ph.D.

Ho Wai-yee. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 52-53). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract (English) --- p.i / Abstract (Chinese) --- p.ii / Acknowledgement --- p.iii / Table of contents --- p.iv / Chapter Chapter1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Literature Review --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Organization of the thesis --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter2 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Model --- p.9 / Chapter 2.3 --- Effects of government expenditure --- p.11 / Chapter 2.4 --- Summary / Chapter Chapter3 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.16 / Chapter 3.2 --- The Model --- p.16 / Chapter 3.3 --- The capital mobile case --- p.21 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summary --- p.25 / Chapter Chapter4 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.27 / Chapter 4.2 --- The Model --- p.27 / Chapter 4.3 --- Dynamics --- p.33 / Chapter 4.4 --- Current Account Balance --- p.35 / Chapter 4.5 --- Comparative Statics --- p.36 / Chapter 4.6 --- Welfare --- p.38 / Chapter 4.7 --- Summary --- p.41 / Chapter Chapter5 / Conclusion --- p.43 / Appendix --- p.46 / Reference --- p.52

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-08T18:27:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 2922821 bytes, checksum: 18754431dd9c3a1c85b267cf73e19c69 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-08T18:27:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 2922821 bytes, checksum: 18754431dd9c3a1c85b267cf73e19c69 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-24 / CAPES / The research aimed to screen for evidence of the influence of ideals of the international medium on the pattern of public policies in Brazil and Colombia. Through an approach that linked the theory of two levels games and policy paradigm understanding in Kuhn and the mechanism of social learning, it was possible to develop a proxy for the degree of influence of international pressure for the adoption of a given policies. We attempted to analyze the influence of the proposed of solution to the state problems, issued by multilateral agencies, through what became known as the Washington Consensus. The choice of Brazil was due to an increased availability of data, while the choice of Colombia is its function in this country experience a long period of democratic rule, with jarring ideological profile of the Brazilian. For this, the research has focused on the behavior of public spending in both countries, was also performed a more specific case study on the deployment of the managerial model of public administration in Brazil, with the aim of better understanding how this process occurred import and export of ideas and solutions for different problems. The research showed that multilateral organizations have greater power to print your ideas in countries' policies when such changes are first and second order, by type built. In return, changes in third order are only induced by multilateral bodies, since the ideology of society plays a more decisive role for the incorporation or not of such ideas "exogenous”. / A pesquisa em tela buscou por evidências da influência de ideais do meio internacional sobre o padrão de oferta de políticas públicas no Brasil e na Colômbia. Através de uma abordagem que uniu a teoria dos jogos de dois níveis à compreensão de mudança de paradigma em Kuhn e ao mecanismo de aprendizagem social (social learning), foi possível elaborar uma proxy para o grau de influência das pressões internacionais pela adoção de determinado conjunto de políticas. Buscou-se analisar a influência das propostas de solução aos problemas estatais, emanadas por agências multilaterais, através do que ficou conhecido como Consenso de Washington. A escolha do Brasil se deu devido uma maior disponibilidade de dados, ao passo que a opção pela Colômbia se deu em função deste país experimentar um longo período democrático, com perfil ideológico destoante do brasileiro. Para tanto, a pesquisa se debruçou sobre o comportamento do gasto público em ambos os países, foi executado também um estudo de caso mais específico sobre a implantação do modelo gerencial de administração pública no Brasil, com o intuito de melhor compreender como se deu este processo de importação e exportação de ideais e soluções para os mais diversos problemas. A pesquisa evidenciou que os organismos multilaterais possuem um maior poder de imprimir seu ideário nas políticas dos países quando tais mudanças são de primeira e de segunda ordem, segundo a tipologia construída. Em contra partida, mudanças de terceira ordem são susceptíveis apenas de indução pelos organismos multilaterais, uma vez que a ideologia da sociedade desempenha um papel mais determinante para a incorporação ou não de tal ideário “exógeno”.

nÃo hà / O presente trabalho promoveu uma anÃlise da eficiÃncia da despesa e do investimento dos governos estaduais a partir de dados anuais da Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional (STN) para os exercÃcios financeiros de 25 unidades federativas do Brasil entre 2009 e 2013. Modelos EconomÃtricos para medidas de eficiÃncia da despesa e do investimento pÃblico foram estimados e os resultados permitiram inferir que a autonomia financeira à o meio para a consecuÃÃo da maior eficiÃncia em termos de execuÃÃo orÃamentÃria estadual. / This paper promoted a spending efficiency analysis and investment of state governments from annual data of the National Treasury Secretariat (STN) for the financial years 25 federal units of Brazil between 2009 and 2013. Econometric Models for efficiency measures spending and public investment was estimated and the result showed that the financial autonomy is the means to achieving greater efficiency in terms of state budget execution.

Thesis (M.Dev.) --University of Limpopo, 2003.

This dissertation comprises two essays. The first essay explores how the size of government, as measured by the level of spending, affects growth. Theoretical models suggest a nonlinear relationship; however, testing this hypothesis empirically in cross-country studies is complicated by the endogeneity of government spending and the accurate identification of turning points. This paper examines the nonlinear hypothesis by incorporating threshold analysis in a cross-country growth regression. Using a broad panel of countries over the period 1971-2005, the results show evidence in favor of a nonlinear effect, but not of the form predicted by theory. When total government spending is low, there is no statistically significant effect on economic growth. However, after passing a certain threshold government spending exhibits a negative effect on growth. The second essay develops a dynamic macroeconomic model to explore how variations in the composition and financing of government expenditures affect economic growth in the long-run. The model is used to analyze how public investment spending funded by taxes or borrowing affects long-term output growth. The model is calibrated to reflect economic conditions in the seven largest Latin American economies during the period 1990 to 2008. We find that, where tax rates are not already high, funding public investment by raising taxes may increase long-run growth. If existing tax rates are high, then public investment is only growth-enhancing if funded by restructuring the composition of public spending. Interestingly, using debt to finance new public investment compromises growth, regardless of the initial fiscal condition.

As emerging market economies gain increasing influence and importance in the global economy, any development with a potentially destabilizing effect on the economic performance on such countries should be carefully monitored. This paper examines one particular development: the rise of consumer debt. Through the case studies of Turkey, China, and Brazil, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between an increase in consumer debt and a country's GDP growth in emerging markets and how a detrimental relationship could severely impact the international economy at large.

Fiscal stress is an important and recurring problem that states face. Research to date on state fiscal stress involves, predominantly, cross-sectional and case study analyses and does not address the effectiveness of state responses. Many of these studies use different definitions and measures of fiscal stress compounding the difficulty of comparing fiscal stress findings. The present research effort adds to the fiscal stress literature by (1) clarifying the meaning of fiscal stress in the state context, (2) developing a measure of fiscal stress that operationalizes this meaning and is comparable across units, and 3) using this measure analyzes patterns in and the effectiveness of state responses. Fiscal stress is measured using four indexes: budget, cash, long-run, service-level. Eleven financial indicators, calculated using data from state Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs), are used to create these indexes for all fifty states for the years 2002-2009. Descriptive analysis compares state fiscal stress levels (grouped into low, moderate, and high fiscal stress by cluster analysis) to state economic growth rates, state responses, and institutional factors yielding several findings. First, states do not use an incremental or punctuated equilibrium strategy in responding to fiscal stress; nor do their responses follow the pattern predicted by Cutback Management theory. Second, institutional factors affect both the levels of fiscal stress and state responses to fiscal stress. Regression analysis supports and extends these findings. First, short-term responses of expenditure cuts, tax increases, and rainy day fund use do not affect state fiscal stress levels. Second, these responses have long-term effects on fiscal stress levels. A major implication of this research is that there is very little states can do in the short-term to reduce fiscal stress. However, by balancing expenditures and revenues states can set themselves up to weather the next economic downturn with lower levels of fiscal stress.

<p>This dissertation examines the political determinants of government spending across different levels of education. What are the political motivations that drive budgetary decisions on primary, secondary, and tertiary education? Who are the beneficiaries of these appropriations? Why are they capable of influencing the decisions over appropriations?</p><p>I argue that the distribution of education spending across education levels depends on the capacity of organized groups active in this sector to make their demands heard and served by governments. Better organized groups have stronger capacity to take advantage of the electoral concerns of politicians and influence their decisions on educational budgets. I provide evidence to show that, with some exceptions, the teachers' unions in the primary and secondary schools are the most influential organized group in the education sector. By taking their demands out to the streets, by capturing key positions in the education ministries, and by using their mobilization capacity in the electoral arena, teachers have made governments cater to their economic interests, rather than direct resources in ways that would enhance access to and the quality of education.</p><p>I test the theoretical arguments using an original dataset incorporating a comprehensive account of all protests, strikes, and other disruptive actions by teachers, university workers, students, and parents in Mexico between 1992 and 2008. The statistical analysis reveals that 1) states with higher levels of teachers' protests receive larger federal education grants, and that 2) subnational authorities spend more on primary and lower secondary as a consequence of the larger disruptive behavior observed in these education levels. Complementary qualitative evidence shows how the teachers' union has captured the education ministries at the federal and the subnational levels, consolidating its influence over education policy. Finally, this study reveals the teachers' union capacity to leverage their participation in electoral politics in order to defend its economic interests.</p> / Dissertation