The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.

本篇論文寫作的主軸，是藉由觀察與分析2003年國家杜馬選舉，以及2004年俄羅斯總統大選，並輔以杜弗傑選舉法則(Duverger’s electoral laws)和薩托里(Giovanni Sartori)的政黨體系理論，來檢視目前俄羅斯政黨政治發展的近況。 首先，筆者針對眾家學者對於政黨的角色、功能等定義予以陳述，之後再探討政黨體系與選舉制度之間的關係。在分析政黨體系之類型時，筆者從杜弗傑和薩托里等兩位學者的政黨理論來進行論述，之後再詳細地對於杜弗傑選舉法則的效果加以探討。另一方面，筆者也簡單敘述俄羅斯政黨政治的起源與發展過程，並嘗試交待俄羅斯政黨政治的發展脈絡，最後再針對俄羅斯獨特的混合選舉制度加以介紹，並淺析該制度對於政黨體系發展的影響。 再者，筆者介紹俄羅斯聯邦國家杜馬選舉。首先，針對俄羅斯國家杜馬之地位、功能與權責等方面作一簡單介紹。之後，再對於1993、1995、1999年等三次歷屆國家杜馬選舉結果予以陳述分析，以期使讀者能更瞭解歷年俄羅斯國家杜馬選舉對於政黨政治的影響脈絡。接下來，將直接進入介紹本章的主角，即2003年國家杜馬選舉。在陳述2003年國家杜馬選舉結果之後，筆者開始分析國家杜馬選舉結果之影響，例如對俄羅斯民主化發展、政黨體系的發展等。 最後，藉由研究2004年總統大選之過程與結果，筆者分析該次選舉對於現今俄羅斯聯邦政黨體系與民主化發展的影響。在第四章的前半部，筆者先針對俄羅斯聯邦總統制的起源、總統在憲法上的地位、權責、產生與罷免相關方面的辦法作簡易敘述。之後再針對1991、1996、2000年等三次總統選舉作歷史回顧，並期望在瞭解這三次選舉所衍生的脈絡之後，能更方便於分析2004年俄羅斯總統大選。在文章的後半段，筆者介紹與分析2004年俄羅斯總統選舉的過程、結果與其影響。同時，針對俄羅斯聯邦總統選舉辦法之修正，提出具體的意見。 / Basically, the theme of this thesis focuses on the political party formation and election observation in the Russian Federation. In order to examine Russia’s political party system, the author observes and analyzes Russia’s Duma election in 2003, and the presidential election in 2004, in terms of Maurice Duverger’s electoral laws and Giovanni Sartori’s theory on party system. First of all, the author discusses the roles and functions of political parties, and then explores the interactions between party system and electoral design. By introducing the mixed electoral design, the author examines it’s unique impact on Russia’s political party system. Secondly, four State Duma elections, which were held in 1993, 1995, 1999 and 2003 respectively, are analyzed in the context of Russia’s political party formation. After discussing the jurisdiction, function, and the previous electoral results of the State Duma, the author explores the major impact of the 2003 Duma election on the development of Russia’s political party system and democratization . Finally, the author also explores the constraints of presidential elections on Russia’s party system. With a detailed discussion about the origin and authority of Russian presidency and a historical review on the 1991, 1996 and 2000 Russian presidential elections, the author analyzes the result of the 2004 Russian presidential election and its implications for Russia’s political development in years to come.

本篇論文主要研究的主體為俄羅斯的政治體制，希望能透過不同的研究方法及許多文獻資料，探討俄羅斯政治發展的背景。並以此背景為基礎，研究當前俄羅斯政治體制變遷的影響因素。另外，本文也將探討在一九九三年俄羅斯新憲法的架構下，俄羅斯各政治權力間的互動和相互關係和探討目前俄羅斯政治體制的運作情形。最後，探討當前俄羅斯政治發展的趨勢與其面臨的困境和解決之道，並試著研析俄羅斯政治體制未來可能的發展趨勢。 / The article's main role is the political system of Russian Federation. The author will discuss the Russian historical background of political development through some approaches and documents, and try to find out what influences evolution of present Russian political system. Besides, the author will discuss interactions and mutual relationships between these political powers to know present situation of Russian political system. At the last part, the author would like to know the tendency and dilemma of present Russian political development, and its possible development in the future.

以學者Pamela Paxton對於「女性參與民主」的形式作為本研究的主軸──依照參與程度劃分了「正式的代表性」、「書面上的代表性」、「實質上的代表性」這三種層次。作者藉由Paxton的研究成果作為研究途徑，並參考文獻資料、統計數據、新聞報導，及國際組織之研究報告，對俄羅斯婦女參與國家杜馬運作的情形進行分析與研究。 本論文的內容劃分成三大部分：首先概括性從全球各區域及後共歐洲國家的國會女性代表現況作為開頭，再以Paxton對於「女性參與民主」的形式來檢視俄羅斯國家杜馬當中的女性代表參與程度。第二部分將以「微觀」的角度來探討歷屆國家杜馬女性代表的背景研究，包含：當選年齡、教育程度及職業背景、委員會的選擇，以統計數據及表格的方式來探討其特性及變化趨勢。最後的部分，探究了國家杜馬女性代表的貢獻與困境，當中以提升婦女權利的法案制定與列出表現傑出的女性代表以肯定女性代表的貢獻；再由「選舉制度與政黨」與「政治文化」兩種面相來探討俄羅斯婦女投身於國家杜馬選舉時所面臨的困境。 整體而言，俄羅斯國家杜馬當中的女性代表需要更積極性的替廣大的俄羅斯女性制訂出對她們有益與利的相關法案，並且也需要積極地改變父權觀點，進一步改變傳統的角色定位，以能發揮影響俄羅斯政治圈及社會的力量。 / The main approach of the thesis is Pamela Paxton’s research for “women's representation in democracy”. In Paxton’s view, there are three levels of different degrees of representation: formal representation, descriptive representation, and substantive representation. With the purpose to analyse the the contempoary situation and trend of Russian women’s political participation in State Duma, so this thesis is composed of literatures, statistics, Russian news websites, and reports from international research institutions. This thesis is divided for three main topics: At first, the article starts from general introduction of global and Post-Communist Europe women political participation in the parliaments. The second part is with “microcosmic” way to review the background of female deputies of State Duma from the first convocation (in 1993) to the sixth convocation (in 2011), inclusive of age, the educational level, occupation before being elected, and committees choosing. The final part discusses contributes and predicaments of Russian female deputies of State Duma. Generally speaking, the female deputies of State Duma have to be more positive to legislate for bringing benefits to a large number of Russian women. Moreover, they also have to be more positive to overcome the viewpoint and redirect the gender role from traditional political culture of patriarchy society. Therefore, the female deputies of State Duma will have more influences on the Russian politics and society.

The study examines the level of party voting discipline displayed by current Russian deputies. The objective is to discover whether deputies elected since the reintroduction of the mixed-member electoral system in 2016 showed a diverse level of party voting discipline. The study expands on the existing research and verifies results of earlier analysis proving weaker party discipline among politicians elected from single-member districts (SMDs). A sample of over 500 thousand deputy votes is analyzed with multiple regression analysis and other methods of quantitative research. The research explores the influence of several variables including the type of elections, political faction membership, double candidacy of a deputy and his incumbency in the previous term of office. Evaluation of results implies that the type of elections does not have a significant impact on party discipline of deputies. The most noticeable is the impact of the membership in various political factions. Greater independence in voting typical for SMD deputies does not manifest considerably in Russia because of the impact of the local hybrid regime and because the majority of SMD deputies belong to the faction of United Russia. Members of a faction with such importance tend to be less motivated to vote against their political...