This dissertation examines the effects of micro-level inequality on political preferences and voting behavior.

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"This thesis analyzes the impact of the Mexican-American voters in south Texas on the 1960 presidential election. During that election year, this ethnic minority was strong enough to merit direct appeals from the Democratic presidential candidate, and subsequently, allowed to conduct a unique campaign divorced from the direct control of the conservative state Democratic machinery...The study of the Mexican-American political behavior in 1960 proceeds in three stages. The first chapter examines the political factionalism within the state Democratic Party suggest the conservative solution to the problem of liberal splinter groups, and evaluates Lyndon Johnson's contribution to the Democratic ticket in south Texas. Chapter II probes into the importance of imagery and indentity in politics, challenges the possibility of a religiously-based bloc vote in south Texas, but postulates the probability of a sub-conscious religious identification with the Democratic candidate. The last chapter describes the Valley 'Viva Kennedy' clubs, their origin, organization, activities, and contributions. To substantiate the author's hypothesis, oral interviews, club reports, personal files, letters, and contemporary newspapers were extensively used."-- leaf 1.

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.

The work deals with a historical development of small (rural) schools at the area of the Czech Republic since the time of late Middle Ages to the present. The study is restricted to particulary small and rural schools in the district of Benešov, but it also shows some practical observations from other parts of the Czech Republic and abroad. The first part of the work is devoted to the history of rural schools since 14th century to the present. The main dividing lines and reforms in this area have been pointed out. The second part is focused on a current conception of curricular reform and its influence on small rural schools. The third part of the work is focused on the area of school marketing and on collaboration of schools. The closing summary brings the conception of small shools development. This conception results from the observations and findings of all three studied parts.

While there has been a substantial body of research on interest group activity in U.S. federal courts, there has been comparatively little analysis of interest group engagement with state courts. Given that state courts adjudicate the vast majority of cases in the American legal system and very few cases are appealed to the Supreme Court, understanding why organized interests participate in these courts is of great importance. The present study analyzes interest group involvement as amicus curiae in all state courts of last resort from 1995-1999 to examine what factors motivate organized interests to turn to the courts. The results indicate that interest groups are primarily motivated by their policy goals in deciding which cases to file amicus briefs in, but that they are limited in their ability to file by institutional constraints unique to state courts of last resort. This research provides insight into interest group behavior, state courts and the role organized interests play in influencing legal outcomes in the American states.

Thesis (M. Tech) -- Central University of Technology, Free State, 2008 / In terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996), local government in South Africa is obliged to ensure that sustainable services are provided to communities. Without any doubt, the effective and efficient execution of this responsibility would bring about an environment conducive to service excellence on local government level. However, South African municipalities are characterised by poor service provision; and the various incidents arising from dissatisfaction on the part of residents in respect of the services rendered are daily becoming a greater challenge to municipalities in the Free State Province. In order to meet the service provision standards, as stipulated in the Constitution, the development and implementation of municipal policies is essential. Policy is defined, inter alia, as the setting out of basic principles that must be pursued in order to achieve specific objectives. Local government has the legislative and executive competency to develop and implement policies. As a result of the diversity and complexity of policy-making, a conceptual framework for the policy-making process at local government level is an essential requirement. This process is described in the dissertation as a sequential pattern consisting of the following phases: policy agenda-setting, policy formulation, policy adoption, policy implementation and execution and policy evaluation. However, municipalities do not have the institutional capacity, skills and experience necessary for the development and implementation of municipal policies. A further aspect that complicates the creation and implementation of policies is the large amount of legislation that regulates local government in South Africa. This legislation also requires municipalities to develop and implement various policies. There are several factors that influence policy-making at local government level. Aspects such as the political environment, the financial environment and community needs have a direct and significant effect on policy-making at this level of government. Capacity shortages probably comprise the factor that has the most detrimental effect on policy-making at local government level; and therefore the necessity for the relevant skills and knowledge relating to policymaking is indisputable. It is just as essential, however, that the other two spheres of government, namely national and provincial government, should carry out their constitutional obligation to support municipalities and strengthen their capacity. Therefore, the aim of this study is, firstly, to identify specific actions that could be implemented by local and district municipalities to improve the policy-making process. Secondly, to determine the reasons for the inadequate formulation, adoption and implementation of the municipal policies. Thirdly, to determine the specific role of national and provincial government, as well as that of the South African Local Government Association (SALGA), in supporting municipalities in the policy-making process. In addition, strategies that could be implemented in order to improve the institutional capacity, skills and experience at local government level, with a view to developing and implementing appropriate policies, have also been identified.

La thèse présente l’étude de deux cas nationaux, la Russie et la France, dont les contextes et les genèses des situations présentes sont spécifiques. On suppose que malgré un héritage historique et des institutions politiques différents, les ordres de genre en Russie et en France passent par des étapes semblables. De telles ressemblances sont conditionnées par le fait que la politique publique maintient un ordre de genre inégal et ceci trouve son application dans les structures politiques elle-mêmes, qui représentent une forme pyramidale. Le modèle de l’ordre de genre, propose un cadre théorique heuristique non seulement pour analyser les relations de genre dans les sociétés contemporaines et dans les institutions, mais aussi dans le cadre historique. La thèse a pour objectif d'explorer les différentes facettes de la construction des rapports de genre comme rapports politiques en fournissant à la fois des outils théoriques, une perspective historique, et des études de cas contemporains. La démarche comparative permet de porter un regard décentré sur la réalité propre nationale des rapports de genre, et de questionner des éléments qui peuvent paraître évidents d’un point de vue strictement interne. / This thesis discusses the gender order of two national cases studies – Russia and France. The current situations with regards to gender order are specific to each country and have evolved from differing contexts. However, this thesis proposes that the development of gender order has passed through similar stages, both in Russia and France, despite different historical backgrounds and political systems. In addition, it is proposed that resemblances in the development of gender order are primarily affected by public policy in both countries which supports an order of gender equality. This politically-influenced gender inequality is reflected by the political structure which forms a pyramid structure. The gender order model provides a heuristic theoretical framework in which to analyse gender-relations in the contemporary societies and institutions of each country; along with the opportunity to examine gender-relations from an historical perspective. The aim of this research is to investigate the different facets of the development of gender-relations within a political context in Russia and France. The research methodology incorporates a consideration of the theoretical background to gender-relations, the impact of each country’s development on gender order from an historical viewpoint, and reviews of contemporary case studies. Importantly, a comparative study of this kind allows the idea of national identity to be appraised from an objective viewpoint.

Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.