A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

A identidade compartilhada de países em desenvolvimento confere ao Brasil e à República Popular da China interesses similares no cenário internacional e fortalece os elementos que compõem a relação bilateral, consolidando o caráter estratégico dessa parceria. A complementaridade econômica impulsiona os fluxos comerciais e os investimentos entre esses Países. O anseio pelo estabelecimento de uma nova ordem política e econômica, favorável à realização dos projetos nacionais de desenvolvimento econômico e social, estimula a aproximação e a cooperação em fóruns multilaterais, como na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). A extensão dos campos de cooperação para outras áreas estratégicas, como a ciência e tecnologia, remete ganhos substanciais à indústria, à economia e à comunidade científica dos Países. A parceria estratégica entre o Brasil e a China está centrada nesses aspectos, que podem ser sintetizados em três vertentes: econômica e comercial; política; e científico-tecnológica. Essas vertentes não esgotam a realidade e a capacidade de cooperação entre os Países, mas constituem as áreas que apresentam os resultados mais significativos. Essa dissertação propõe uma leitura sobre as contribuições da política externa brasileira à parceria estratégica, durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e durante os três primeiros anos de governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2005), com base na evolução das três vertentes. / The shared identity of developing countries remits to Brazil and the People`s Republic of China similar interests on the international scene and strengthens the elements that compose the bilateral relation, consolidating the strategic character of this partnership. The economic complementarity drives on the commercial flow and the investments between these Countries. The craving for the establishment of a new political and economic order, favorable to the accomplishment of the national projects of social and economic development, stimulates the approximation and the cooperation on multilateral forums, such as United Nations (UN) and World Trade Organization (WTO). The extension of the cooperation fields to other strategic areas, such as science and technology, remits substantial gains for the Countries industry, economy, and scientific community. The strategic partnership between Brazil and China relies on these aspects, which can be summarized into three tracks: trade and economics; political; and scientific-technological. These tracks do not exhaust the reality and the capability of cooperation between the Countries, although they present the most significant results. This dissertation proposes a reading about the Brazilian foreign policy contributions for the strategic partnership, during Fernando Henrique Cardoso`s government (1995-2002) and the first three years of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva`s government (2003-2005), based on the evolutions of these tracks.

The thesis will be discussing the relation between India and the European Union (EU) after the biggest enlargement. After the inevitable setting of the historic background of these two entities in the 60-ties of the 20. century, we will focus on the period almost half of the century after, where India and the EU started working on stronger relational structure. Besides the cultural and social familiarity of two mutually completely different cultures, the stress is essentially put on the political and economic aspect. Till today, strengthening of this structure is created mainly by the organization of regular meetings. The part of summits' work undoubtedly consists in the common trade between India and EU, that will also obtain the opportunity to be mentioned. That one will be supplemented with the economic and political view of the Indian bilateral trade with three selected member states, United Kingdom, France and Germany. Protectionism, nowadays still very integral to the majority of foreign commerce relations in the world, will be the last but one topic that makes at the same time the introduction to the final one, key part of my work, critical perspective on the India - EU relation.

The diploma thesis titled „Proposal of Activities for Development of Strategic Cooperation in the Area of Sales of Bakery Ovens“ focuses on proposals for the creation of a strategic framework with the aim of developing a strategic alliance between the strategic business unit of company Sklářské stroje Znojmo, s.r.o. and chosen partner.

During recent years the sharing economy has had an increased impact on the modern business climate, and the level of engagement among researchers has increased. The sharing economy is changing the way individuals perceive business and challenges traditional business models. Sharing economy firms are implementing innovative business approaches to face the dynamic business climate. Its peer-to-peer sharing philosophy is fighting against the increasing hyper-consumption we are facing. Previous scholars have discussed how traditional firms can gain market shares and internationalize through M&As and strategic partnerships. However, the research on how M&As and partnerships can be implemented among sharing economy firms is minimal. Also, the empirical studies regarding this field are inadequate. Accordingly, examining this research gap in practice and gaining a deeper understanding of the subject is highly relevant. This thesis aims to shed light on the motives behind sharing economy firms internationalizing, mainly through mergers and acquisitions or strategic partnerships, involving at least one sharing platform in the process. To accomplish the intentions of this study, a qualitative research approach has been conducted, with a diverse group of respondents from different parts of the world and operating in various areas within the sharing economy. Moreover, the empirical data has been collected through conducting findings from four semi-structured interviews. The outcome of this research implies that the motives for sharing economy firms to internationalize using M&As or strategic partnerships are beneficial regarding the sharing economy characteristics. For instance, the paper highlights how sharing economy firms have a comfortable path internationalizing into foreign markets but can struggle to gain platform user activity in the early stages in new markets. Therefore, are M&As and strategic partnerships strategic tools for sharing economy firms to acquire an already existing customer base or have strategic alliances that can ease cultural barriers and such when entering foreign markets.

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崛起中的中國大陸，對國際政治、經濟秩序而言，是一個日趨重要的影響因素。尤其是對美外交為中共對外政策之主軸，其重要性實不言可喻，深具研究價值。 研究中共對美外交政策，可以發現在政策演變的過程中，其對美政策取向與內涵係因應內外環境的轉變及美中的互動關係而逐漸形成。因此，經由中共美外交政策的系統研究，可進一步掌握其政策思維與運作內涵，正確分析影響其外交政策的要素，以瞭解其發展與演變之脈絡。 基此，本文的研究目的在於： 一、闡明中共外交形成的因素，無論是在宏觀層面，諸如國內外環境因素導致中共外交理論與原則的改變、決策過程機制以及參與程度與範圍之變化；配合微觀層次決策者所起的作用，以檢視中共外交政策內涵，以瞭解其發展與演變。 二、經由中共與美國互動情形，分由政治、經濟、軍事、涉台外交等層面分析雙方關係內涵，以論證中共對美外交政策之發展與特質。 三、由於雙邊關係日趨密切，合作範圍與領域日增，因此經由雙邊互動模式之探討，以展望雙邊關係未來的可能發展。 四、「台灣問題」在雙邊關係的重要性日增，美中關係有可能因為「台灣問題」而面臨嚴峻的挑戰，因此格外值得探討。 經由上述議題之探討，本文歸納了影響美中關係的可能因素，並對政策的持續面與演變面加以探討，最後並提出美中關係未來發展之看法，作為本文之總結。 / China, as a rising power, is a factor with growing impact that affects international politics and economic order. Being at the core of its foreign policy, China’s US policy is of great importance and worth a close look. By examining China’s foreign policy regarding the US, we can find that China shapes the orientation and content of its US policy in accordance with changes in domestic and international circumstances and in US-China interactions. Therefore, by studying China’s US policy systematically, we can further understand its policy reasoning and course of implementation, analyze correctly the influential factors, and hence obtain a clear view of the context of its policy forming. Therefore, the purposes of the article are: 1.To elucidate influences upon China’s foreign policy, including macroscopic aspects such as domestic and international circumstances that caused China’s adjustment in the theory and principles of its foreign policy, and variations in policy-making mechanism and the extent of involvement, along with microscopic aspects such as the impact from policy makers. This is to look into the content of China’s foreign policy in order to acquire a clear picture of its development. 2.Via examining the interactions between China and the US, to analyze the China-US relation from aspects of politics, economy, military and Taiwan affairs. This is to find out the course of development and characteristics of China’s US policy. 3.With links between China and Taiwan growing stronger and scope and fields of collaboration increasing, to anticipate the possible development in cross-strait relations by studying patterns of bilateral interactions. 4.With the “Taiwan Issue” being of growing impact upon bilateral relations, the China-US relations can be serious challenged by the issue, and is therefore worth a close investigation. By exploring the above issues, the article catalogues possible factors that will affect China-US relations, observes the potential continuity and alteration of the policy, and finally concludes with a prospect of future China-US relations.

印度為近代新興崛起的國家，在政治、經濟、資訊、科技與軍事上均有顯著的進步，其綜合國力的提升已不容忽視。尤其在經濟上的發展速度，更令世界各國所矚目，而現今世界公認的「金磚四國」中，印度則列居名單之內，其涵意代表著在未來國際權力地位追逐的過程當中，具有更深厚的競爭潛力。就地緣戰略的觀點而言，印度位於麻六甲海峽至波斯灣之間的交通樞紐，為非洲與中東地區能源及貿易物資輸往西太平洋的必經路線，而能源線的暢通與否，均牽動著東、南亞地區的經濟命脈。 冷戰結束後，兩極對抗的國際格局不再，印度新一代戰略菁英份子認為，印度應採取「以武力取代外交功能」的戰略觀。由於印、巴衝突所帶來的不安全感，及中共的核武構成的威脅，使得印度方面必須藉由核武發展與整建軍力，來化解印度所面臨的威脅，卻也引了發核武競賽問題。1947年印度獨立後美國並未重視，僅視印度是一個阻止共產主義擴散的國家。當印度躋身進入核武國家行列之後，便開始發崛印度在南亞地緣戰略的重要性，正因為印度國力逐漸提升，使得美、印兩國建立「邁向21世紀戰略夥伴」關係，來面對中國「和平崛起」的所帶來的挑戰。 1979年12月24日蘇聯入侵阿富汗後，卡特政府體認到印度戰略地位的重要性，視印度為防堵蘇聯共產勢力擴散的國家，於1980年再度恢復美、印核能合作計畫，提供有關核反應爐所需原料，藉此拉攏印度成為美國反共產主義的盟友。冷戰結束後，柯林頓政府提出了「交往與擴大的國家安全戰略」，強調「安全、經濟、民主」是美國外交政策的三大支柱，因而開始拓展與印度的合作範圍，加強經貿與軍事合作，以符合美國國家利益目標。 小布希總統上台，將中共定位為「戰略競爭者」的角色，視中國「和平崛起」對美國的威脅。「911」恐佈攻擊事件，美國雖與中共在反恐任務上共同合作，但仍不失其對中國的戒心，因此與印度共同結合成為「邁向21世紀的戰略夥伴」關係，以防止中國「和平崛起」對美國霸權地位的挑戰。 中國「和平崛起」強調努力發展和壯大自己，維護世界和平，堅持開放與平等互利原則，與各國發展經貿，強調現在與未來不稱霸。美印戰略合作，將使得中共在海洋戰略發展受限，同時更影響了中、印兩國的經貿發展。中國為了防止美、印戰略關係所形成的衝擊，必須展現其大國外交作風，穩固與印度經貿上的合作，深化與歐盟實質關係，運用「上海合作組織」來強化其在區域大國的地位，以防範美國對其所實施的新圍堵策略。 / India, one of emerging countries in recent years, has had great progress in politics, economics, information, technology and military. India’s current social status and economic strength has drawn everyone’s attention, especially in BRICs, it plays an important part. In terms of its geo-strategic prospects, India, locating between Strait of Malacca and Persia Gulf, is an essential commercial access. After the Cold War, the new-generation elites think India should take the strategy of replacing democratic function with power. Because of the fear resulting from the India-Pakistan conflicts and the threat of nuclear power in China Communist, India must rebuild its military forces by developing nuclear power so that some threat to the national defense will be released. The problem about nuclear competition is getting worse. As a result, America and India start to set up “the relationships of strategic partnership toward 21st century” to face the challenge coming from “Peaceful Rise” in China. After Soviet invaded Afghanistan in December 24, 1979, the Cater Administration, realizing the importance of India’s strategic status, regarded India as a defense stopping the communist from spreading and regained the nuclear cooperation plan between America and India to make India a member of the alliance of anti-china communist. After the Cold War, the Clinton Administration addressed the strategy of “enlargement and engagement”, emphasizing that safety, economics and democracy are three main parts in diplomatic policy in U.S.A. America started to cooperate with India in commerce and military to meet their own national interest. George, W. Bush considered China a “strategic competitor” and regarded “Peaceful Rise” as a threat to America. After 911 terror attack. America made efforts to establish the relationship of “strategic partnership toward 21st century” with India and prevent China’s “Peaceful Rise” from challenging America’s powerful status. America and India’s cooperation restricts the development of China’s ocean strategy and influences the development of economics and commerce between China and India. Therefore, China tries hard to make use of “Shanghai Cooperation Organization” to reinforce its status and guard against America’s “Geopolitics”.

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