Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa. / This paper addresses the bilateral Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian from the concept of strategic partnership, as it appears in the Chinese theoretical formulation. In this sense, the analysis falls on Chinese political thought and how this articulates its own conception of international relations, in which emphasis is placed on the bilateral relations between China and the countries to which it confers strategic weight. The concept of strategic partnership in this work refers to bilateral relations established with a degree of institutionalization means of consultation and with permanent organs between Member States, without thereby translating into alliances between the two countries or directed against a third State. Officially, the term strategic partnership in China's diplomacy appears to characterize China's bilateral relations with Brazil and Russia, for example, understood as the kind of relationship more harmonious Asian country with other states, since the Republic is not more alliances or relationships very closely with any member of the international system. Taking into account the validity of the concept of strategic partnership, it is discussed Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian bilateral relations, in order to understand to what extent the concept is valid as explanatory tool.

Esta dissertação trata das relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira a partir do conceito de parceria estratégica, tal como este aparece na formulação teórica dos chineses. Neste sentido, a análise recai sobre o pensamento político chinês e como este articula uma concepção própria sobre as relações internacionais, na qual é dada uma ênfase às relações bilaterais da China com países aos quais confere peso estratégico no rol de suas relações bilaterais. O conceito de parceria estratégica, neste trabalho, refere-se a relações bilaterais constituídas com um grau de institucionalização de meios de consulta e organismos permanentes entre os Estados, sem com isso em traduzir-se em alianças entre os dois países ou voltadas contra um terceiro Estado. Oficialmente, o termo parceria estratégica aparece na diplomacia chinesa para caracterizar as relações bilaterais da China com o Brasil e a Rússia, por exemplo, entendidas como o tipo de relacionamento mais harmonioso do país asiático com outros Estados, uma vez que a República Popular não constitui mais alianças ou relações de muita proximidade com qualquer membro do sistema internacional. Levando em conta a validade deste conceito de parceria estratégica, são analisadas as relações bilaterais sino-russa e sino-brasileira, para compreender até que ponto é válido o conceito como ferramenta explicativa. / This paper addresses the bilateral Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian from the concept of strategic partnership, as it appears in the Chinese theoretical formulation. In this sense, the analysis falls on Chinese political thought and how this articulates its own conception of international relations, in which emphasis is placed on the bilateral relations between China and the countries to which it confers strategic weight. The concept of strategic partnership in this work refers to bilateral relations established with a degree of institutionalization means of consultation and with permanent organs between Member States, without thereby translating into alliances between the two countries or directed against a third State. Officially, the term strategic partnership in China's diplomacy appears to characterize China's bilateral relations with Brazil and Russia, for example, understood as the kind of relationship more harmonious Asian country with other states, since the Republic is not more alliances or relationships very closely with any member of the international system. Taking into account the validity of the concept of strategic partnership, it is discussed Sino-Russian and Sino-Brazilian bilateral relations, in order to understand to what extent the concept is valid as explanatory tool.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:26:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Decio Passos Estrella.pdf: 1706565 bytes, checksum: 14d8b8be7547ecd2dc176f96fce739ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-17 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This research has the purpose to make an exploratory and explicative study of the interorganizational collaboration in the Brazilian biotechnology industry from 2004 to 2008. The population chosen was a set of Brazilian dedicated biotechnology firms, in the human health segment. In order to map this population, it was used information from: Biominas Foundation, Biorio Foundation, ABRABI ssociação Brasileira de Empresas de Biotecnologia, FAPs - Foundations for Research Promotion from Brazilian respective States, universities, incubators and Regional clusters. The methodology for field data collection was survey and interviews with the executives of the first level hierarchy of researched firms, complemented by secondary data from sources such as internet newsletter from specialized magazines, biotechnology industry web sites, academic papers, seminars, symposiums, professional services consulting firms reports, newspaper and magazines publications. The procedure for data analysis was quantitative and it was made in two steps. In the first step, it was developed graphical analysis of the interorganizational network of collaboration and it was calculated the parameters that characterize the network. In the second step, it was made the statistical data analysis by using panel regression model. The results point that: 1) the cumulative experience to establish and manage partnerships of collaboration over time creates a virtuous cycle, a positive feedback of interorganizational learning; 2) the firms with more partnerships of collaboration positioned themselves more centrally connected in the network of relationships; and 3) the firms positioned more centralized in the network of interorganizational relationships present a greater economic growth. / Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de fazer um estudo exploratório e explicativo da evolução da colaboração interorganizacional na indústria de biotecnologia no Brasil entre os anos de 2004 e 2008. A população escolhida foi o conjunto de firmas dedicadas de biotecnologia brasileiras, segmento de saúde humana. Para o mapeamento da população foram utilizadas informações da Fundação Biominas, da Fundação Biorio, da ABRABI Associação Brasileira de Empresas de Biotecnologia, das Fundações de Amparo a Pesquisa dos respectivos Estados brasileiros, universidades, incubadoras e APLs arranjos produtivos locais. O procedimento metodológico de coleta dos dados foi o questionário e entrevistas com o primeiro nível hierárquico das empresas pesquisadas, complementadas por dados secundários de fontes como boletins eletrônicos de revistas especializadas, sítios internet relacionados ao setor, artigos acadêmicos, seminários, simpósios, relatórios de firmas consultorias especializadas, publicações em jornais e revistas. O procedimento para análise de dados foi do tipo quantitativo e foi dividido em duas fases. Na primeira fase, foi desenvolvida análise gráfica da evolução da rede de colaboração interorganizacional e foram calculados os parâmetros caracterizadores da rede utilizando-se o software livre Pajek. Na segunda fase foi realizado tratamento estatístico dos dados por meio da técnica de regressão em painel. Os resultados apontam que: 1) a experiência cumulativa em fazer e gerenciar parcerias de colaboração ao longo do tempo cria um círculo virtuoso, uma retroalimentação positiva de aprendizagem interorganizacional; 2) as empresas com mais parcerias de colaboração se posicionam mais centralmente na rede de relacionamentos; e 3) as empresas mais centralizadas na rede de colaboração interorganizacional apresentam um maior crescimento econômico.

The main goal of this diploma thesis is to propose, on the basis of realized analysis of the current state, desirable changes in the concept of personnel management, which will lead to the successful development of the company. The first part is devoted into the theoretical background in human resources. The second part of the thesis analyzes the current state of personnel management in the company. In the final part is proposed the concept of new personnel management.

本論文針對冷戰結束以來的十六年間，美國政府對中共角色與關係之定位，欲探討的問題具體言之是「為什麼美國政府再一九八九年以來，對中共的關係定位會在『戰略夥伴』與『戰略對手』間發生擺盪」。本論文首先指出，理性主義雖是解釋國際關係時較慣用的工具，然而不論新現實主義、新自由制度主義均無法對此研究主題提供一套有系統的解釋；本論文繼而發現，建構主義雖承繼部分理性主義的決策模式概念，卻能對上述關係定位變動做出系統性的詮釋。 本論文共計六章：第一章通盤概述研究的動機、目的、方法，並闡明整個主題架構及限制條件。第二章勾勒出老布希、柯林頓、小布希政府對中共關係定位的變化，完成本論文的「描述分析」，作為整體論述之背景。第三章依循理性主義觀點，發現新現實主義無法解釋何以美國在「確保相對收益」的考量下會與中共採取合作；再者，按照新自由制度主義「開創絕對收益」的邏輯，卻與美國視中共為戰略對手，並陷入人權、貿易、台灣議題等爭議的情況不相符。第四章介紹建構主義的主要論點，並針對何以選定溫特的主流建構主義提出解釋，再逐一檢視建構主義的本體論、認識論、方法論、世界觀。第五章依循國際權力架構、理念等兩大參考點，驗證建構主義之解釋力。發現「亞太扇型戰略」、「多層次統一戰線」、「新保守主義」、「攻勢現實主義」等理念，是美國政府為美、「中」關係定位的重要因素。從世界觀的角度切入，如果是霍布斯的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略對手」；如果是康德的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略夥伴」；如果是洛克的文化架構，美國會在接觸中保持戒慎。第六章為結論，認為儘管建構主義提供一個較寬闊的解析平台，但建構主義與理性主義並非必然相斥，尋求兩個典範之整合，乃成為本研究針對後續研究所提出的建議事項之一。 / This thesis addresses an issue regarding the US Government’s identification of the Chinese role as well as the bilateral relations between the two states during the past sixteen years ever since the end of the Cold War. It deals specifically with the following question: why the US administrations since 1989 have shuttled their identification of China between a strategic partner and strategic competitor? It firstly argues that rationalism, as conventionally an explanatory tool in IR, proves insufficient to provide a set of consistent answer. Unsatisfied, this thesis continues its argument that the question brought forth at the beginning can be effectively resolved, or interpreted, by constructivism, despite the constructivist rationale may not necessarily render rational choice model utterly invalid in this case. Structurally speaking, Chapter One gives a brief with respect to the whole thematic structure inclusive of purpose of the study mentioned above and research limitations. Chapter Two demonstrates an effort of descriptive study as a set of background information by sketching out different phases of identification about relations with China that have been harbored by successive US administrations from President Bush Sr., Clinton to Bush Jr.. Chapter Three can be seen as an account of this thesis’ trying effort to explore the question per se from the rationalist perspective. The findings in Chapter Three are as follows: Neo-realism fails to explain why the US, premised upon concern of relative gains, would have cooperation with China. Neo-liberal institutionalism, following the logic of maximization of absolute gains, is inconsistent with an answer to the question of why the US would not given in on the issues of human rights and trade deficits. The above findings are suggestive. They open up the need for this thesis to observe the Sino-US diplomatic interactions from a social perspective in IR, i.e., constructivism. Chapter Four ushers in main points of constructivism. Two arguments are therefore in order. First, it gives a justification for the choice of the mainstream of constructivism in IR advanced by Alexander Wendt. Second, to suit the purpose of this research, it funnels the ontological, epistemological, methodological arguments, world views raised by the constructivist school and thrashes out two reference points—world power structure and ideation—for further observations. Chapter Five brings up the main body of the argument. It argues that a series of ideas such as A Fan-mode Strategic Concept in Asia Pacific, Multi-layer United Front, Neo-conservatism and Defensive Realism have been influential on the US identification of the relations with China. They in turn strike an image of Sino-US bilateral relations reflective of three kinds of culture distinguished by constructivists. In Hobbes’ terms, China can be seen as a strategic competitor. In Kant’s, China is a strategic partner. In Locke’s, the US is engaged but remains sceptical. Chapter Six is the concluding part. It goes beyond the phenomena and moves into the theoretical realm by arguing that, although constructivism offers a broader analytic platform, rationalism and constructivism need not be exclusive. That much room for integration of the two paradigms becomes one of the recommendations for further researches.

Depuis 1999, l’Union européenne a inauguré une nouvelle approche dans ses relations avec l’Amérique latine et les Caraïbes. A cet égard, le premier sommet Union européenne – Amérique latine – Caraïbes, dit « sommet de Rio » marque un tournant grâce au lancement du « partenariat stratégique ». Dans ce cadre, toutes les organisations régionales d’intégration économique situées dans cette zone géographique, et non pas uniquement le MERCOSUR, apparaissent comme des partenaires importants. Le changement obéit autant à des contraintes externes qu’à une stratégie extérieure. Dans le domaine des échanges commerciaux, le but déclaré est d’atteindre « une libéralisation mutuelle des échanges » sur une base équitable et mutuellement profitable tout en défendant certaines valeurs communes. Cependant, le cadre juridique longtemps en vigueur s’est avéré inadapté à l’avènement d’une ambition économique et politique d’une telle ampleur. Par conséquent, l’Union européenne se trouve confrontée au défi de réformer les cadres juridiques de ses relations avec les organisations régionales d’intégration économique d’Amérique latine et des Caraïbes. La thèse analyse l’évolution et la restructuration actuelles des instruments juridiques des relations entre l’Union européenne l’Amérique latine et les Caraïbes. / Since 1999, the European Union began a new competitive approach in its relationships with Latin America and the Caribbean. In this respect, the first step has been made in the European Union-Latin America and Caribbean’ Summit [Rio Summit (1999)] with the launch of a new partnership called “Strategic Partnership”. In this context, all organisations of regional economic integration – not only the MERCOSUR the most competitive one – are considered as important partners. The change is due to external constraints as well as an external strategy. In the field of commercial exchanges, the goal is to attempt “mutual liberalisation of exchanges” on a fair and mutually profitable basis, defending at the same time “common values”. However, the traditional legal framework of the relations is obviously unsuitable for such an ambitious economic and political project. So, from a legal aspect, the European Union is confronted with the challenge of reforming the contractual frameworks of its relations with regional economic integrations in Latin America and in the Caribbean. The issue concerns an analysis of the evolution and restructuring of existing legal instruments of the European Union’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean. / Desde 1999, la Unión Europea instauró un nuevo enfoque en sus relaciones con América Latina y el Caribe. En este enfoque llamado “estratégico”, todas las organiza-ciones comarcales de integración económicas ubicadas en esta zona geográfica y no úni-camente el MERCOSUR, se pueden ver como interlocutores importantes. La primera cumbre Unión Europea /América latina/Caribe (cumbre de Rio) es una fecha importante en la evolución de las relaciones gracias al lanzamiento “de la colaboración estratégica”. En lo que toca a los intercambios comerciales, la meta declarada es alcanzar una “liberalización mutual de los intercambios” a partir de una base equitativa y mutualmente provechosa de-fendiendo a la vez ciertos valores comunes. Sin embargo, el marco jurídico en vigor durante una larga temporada se ha reve-lado inadecuado para el advenimiento de una ambición económica y política de esta impor-tancia. Por consiguiente, la Unión Europea se enfrenta hoy en día al desafío jurídico de la renovación del marco convencional de sus relaciones con las organizaciones de integración económica de América Latina y del Caribe. El asunto se refiere a un análisis de las rela-ciones exteriores de la Unión Europea desde el punto de vista de los desafíos jurídicos. Utilizamos el análisis sistémico para poner de relieve los factores explicativos de la evolu-ción y de la reestructuración actuales de los instrumentos jurídicos de las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y América-Latina Caribe.

The target of this diploma work is to provide the view of up to now development and present condition of economy relations between EU and Brasil (consequently between Czech Republic and Brasil), to describe and sum up the status of these relations and to point out the agents complicating the given cooperation. From the point of view of content the work is sectionalized into 5 chapters. The first one characterizes the economy of Brasil, the basic economy markers trends and the Brasil's fortes and weaknesses. The following 2 chapters tackle the juridical ambit of billateral EU and Brasil co-operation, agreements to govern their relationship, the analysis of the goods and services barter, direct foreign investments and protective restrains complicating the business. The content of the chapter No. 4 is the mutual EU - Brasil relations decsription in regard of their acting in wider aggregations, specifically in WTO and Mercosure. The last chapter is focused on the mutual czech and brasilian trade relations characteristic.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.

Malgré l’amélioration du régime des droits de propriété intellectuelle (DPI) en Chine après l’accession de celle-ci à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC) en 2001, la question relative aux DPI demeure l’un des « sujets de vive préoccupation » dans le commerce sino-européen. Selon la stratégie européenne visant à assurer le respect des DPI dans les pays tiers, adoptée en 2005 et renouvelée en 2014, la Chine est ciblée par la Commission européenne comme le premier pays tiers dans lequel les autorités locales ne prennent pas de mesure efficace pour s’attaquer aux problèmes de violations des DPI. En raison des enjeux politiques et économiques importants pour l’UE, son intervention est nécessaire pour améliorer le régime des DPI et l’environnement de l’investissement en Chine. L’analyse de l’action extérieure de l’UE s’appuie sur l’étude des instruments auxquels elle recourt en vue de renforcer la protection et le respect des DPI en Chine. L’objet de notre recherche est d’examiner la manière dont l’Union choisit d’exploiter les instruments à géométrie variable au sein des enceintes multilatérale et bilatérale. Deux axes distincts mais complémentaires orientent la mise en œuvre de l’action extérieure de l’UE vis-à-vis de la Chine : l’approche coopérative, d’une part, et de l’approche conventionnelle, d’autre part. L’approche coopérative vise d’abord à rapprocher le régime juridique chinois des standards les plus élevés du droit de l’UE. En dépit d’un certain nombre de difficultés limitant l’efficacité de l’action extérieure de l’UE, la coopération bilatérale avec la Chine permet de contribuer à l’amélioration du régime juridique chinois. La convergence normative devrait ensuite faciliter l’apparition d’une approche commune entre l’UE et la Chine sur le plan conventionnel. Il importe à cet égard de souligner la position divergente de la Chine face à la promotion de l’UE, par la voie conventionnelle, d’un renforcement de la protection et du respect des DPI. Malgré la convergence accrue des positions européenne et chinoise favorables à la protection « ADPIC-plus » des DPI, la Chine se montre réticente voire hostile envers les initiatives conventionnelles de l’UE tendant à renforcer les mesures relatives au respect des DPI. / Despite the improvement of China’s intellectual property rights (IPR) regime after this country’s World Trade Organization (WTO) accession in 2001, the IPR remains one of “major concerns” in Sino-European trade relation. According to European strategy for the enforcement of intellectual property rights in third countries, adopted in 2005 and renewed in 2014, China is identified by the European Commission as first priority country, in which the local authority does not take effective measures to tackle the problems caused by IPR violations. Taking into account the EU’s important political and economic concerns, his action is necessary in order to improve the IPR regime and the investment environment in China. The analysis of EU’s external action is based on the instruments used to strengthen IPR’s protection and enforcement in China. The purpose of our research is to examine the EU’s method to use the different instruments within the multilateral and bilateral fora. Two distinct but complementary axes orientate the undertaking of EU’s external action vis-à-vis China: cooperative approach, on the one hand, and the conventional approach, on the other hand. Firstly, the cooperative approach aims to bring Chinese legal system closer to higher standards in EU law. In spite of certain difficulties limiting the efficacy of EU external action, the bilateral cooperation with China can contribute to a better legal system in China. Then, the normative convergence should be able to facilitate the emergence of a common approach between the EU and China in the conventional framework. In this respect, it is important to emphasis Chinese divergent position with regard to EU’s conventional approach aiming to strengthen IPR protection and enforcement. Despite the increasing convergence of European and Chinese positions favorable toward “TRIPs-plus” protection, China seems reluctant even hostile to EU’s conventional initiatives intending to strengthen IPR enforcement measures.