Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-10-28T15:51:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa Reichert_.pdf: 775719 bytes, checksum: 9bc6eb393cc8da1998b17c4634358628 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-28T15:51:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa Reichert_.pdf: 775719 bytes, checksum: 9bc6eb393cc8da1998b17c4634358628 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-07 / Nenhuma / Ao aliar o estudo do direito à saúde com as medidas estruturantes, o presente trabalho objetiva descobrir se existe a possibilidade de o Judiciário brasileiro determinar medidas estruturantes na seara da saúde por meio da Ação Civil Pública. Sabe-se que embora a saúde seja direito fundamental social no Brasil, desde a Constituição Federal de 1988, a sua efetivação no plano dos fatos ainda está longe de ser a ideal. A inércia do Poder Público, bem como as burocracias estatais, aliado às expectativas da população tem feito com que o Poder Judiciário, por meio das demandas que batem à sua porta, seja chamado a efetivar esse direito constitucionalmente assegurado. A par disso, especificamente, objetiva-se estudar a viabilidade de associações civis ajuizarem ação civil pública para exigir dos entes estatais a implantação de um posto de saúde ou uma unidade de pronto atendimento na sua comunidade, por exemplo, quando é público e notório que o Estado mantém-se inerte à solicitação e à dita necessidade há muito tempo. Em conclusão ao presente estudo, entende-se que a Ação Civil Pública juntamente com as tutelas de fazer, não fazer e entregar coisa previstas no atual Código de Processo Civil e mantidas na nova legislação processual civil, que entrará em vigor no próximo ano, possibilitam o ingresso do modelo de decisão judicial estadunidense iniciado na década de 50 do século passado na Corte de Warren e da doutrina de Owen Fiss para o direito brasileiro, sendo que o art. 139 do Novo Código de Processo Civil amplia ainda mais esta possibilidade. A proposta, ao final apresentada, é no sentido de que as medidas estruturantes podem ser implementadas em sede de Ação Civil Pública, quando, por exemplo, cidadãos que vivem nas comunidades mais carentes e são vítimas da omissão reiterada do Poder Público em efetivar o direito à saúde, poderiam constituir uma associação com os fins exigidos pela Lei e a partir disso, utilizar-se do legítimo e democrático instrumento que é a ACP para, pleitear em juízo, a defesa dos interesses coletivos de seu grupo, exigindo a implantação de uma unidade de saúde na sua comunidade, por exemplo. No que concerne à metodologia, a pesquisa se valeu do método de abordagem hermenêutico-filosófico para reconstruir o objeto, repensando-o a partir dos objetivos propostos. / By combining the study of the right to health with the structural reforms, this study aims to find out if there is a possibility to the Brazilian judiciary determine structural reforms in the health field through Public Civil Action. It is known that although health is a social fundamental right in Brazil since the 1988 Federal Constitution, its effectiveness in terms of the facts is far from ideal. The inertia of the government and the state bureaucracies, coupled with expectations of the population have made the judiciary, by the demand knocking on their door, be called to consummate this right constitutionally guaranteed. Aware of this, specifically, the objective is to study the feasibility of civil associations prosecute Public Civil Action to require for state entities the implementation of a health center or a unit of emergency care in your community, for example, when it is common knowledge that the state is inert to the request and the need for a long time. In conclusion to this study, it is understood that the Public Civil Action with the tutelage of to do, not do and deliver provided things in the current Civil Code and maintained in the new civil procedure law, which will come into force next year, enable the entry of US judicial decision model started in the 50s of the last century at the Warren Court and Owen Fiss doctrine to Brazilian law, and the article 139 of the New Civil Procedure Code further extends this possibility. The proposal, presented at the end, is in the sense that the structural reforms can be implemented by Public Civil Action, when, for example, people living in the poorest communities and are victims of repeated omission of the Government to effect the right to health, could constitute an association with the purposes required by the Law and so, using the legitimate and democratic instrument that is the PCA to, plead in court, the defense of the collective interests of their group, requiring the implementation of a health center in their community, for example. Regarding to the methodology, the research used the hermeneutical-philosophical method approach to reconstruct the object, rethinking it from the proposed objectives.

本文利用介入模式分析中共改革開放所造成的經濟結構之轉變，並建構包含軍事、非軍事政府、及私人等三部門的生產函數，來探討其與經濟成長之間的關聯性。實證結果顯示，改革開放使得中國大陸由閉關自守的內向型經濟轉為高貿易依存度的外向型經濟，經濟體制由計劃經濟邁向多元經濟成分共同發展的市場經濟，整體投資環境獲得改善，而軍事支出雖持續增加，但相對於高經濟成長，其軍事支出規模卻是下降的。此外，中共的經濟成長主要來自於積累率的提昇、公部門支出的正面影響和外溢效果、及國際經濟關係的開放，而技術變遷和勞動投入之成長的影響並不顯著。 / This article proposes intervention model to analyze the structural change of China’s transitional economy. We identify the relationship between economic growth and structural change by using the production functions from military, nonmilitary, and private sectors. The results indicate a more market-oriented economy and changing relationship between private and public ownership will continue to drive China toward modernization. In contrast to high economic growth, although military expenditure is still increasing but its relative scale is declining. The main sources of China’s economic growth are from the increase of accumulation rate, the positive and spillover effects of public expenditures, and the liberalization of international economic relations. Especially, much of China’s growth has come from producing goods for foreign trade. While on the other hand, the impacts of technological change and increased labor inputs are not significant in this study.

Durant la grande récession, les interactions entre fluctuations du prix de l’immobilier, du travail et de l’entrée des firmes sur le marché des biens, ont mis en avant l’existence de relations étroites entre ces marchés. Le but de cette thèse est de mettre en lumière les interactions entre le marché du travail et le marché des biens ainsi que des cycles financiers, en utilisant les récents progrès des modèles DSGE. Dans le premier chapitre, nous avons trouvé un fort rôle joué par la création de firmes dans l’amplification des dynamiques de l’emploi. En introduisant le mécanisme du modèle de Diamond-Mortensen-Pissarides sur le marché du travail, nous avons pu étudier sous un nouvel angle les fluctuations du taux de marge des firmes. Comparé aux travaux théoriques utilisant un marché du travail sans frictions, nous avons trouvé un taux de marge moins contracyclique dû au coût marginal acyclique d’un modèle avec frictions. De plus, le rôle accordé à la création de firmes dans la détermination du taux de marge est moins important que dans les papiers précédents. Dans le second chapitre, nous avons lié la capacité d’endettement des ménages avec leur situation sur le marché de l’emploi. Grâce à cette microfondation, les nouveaux arrivants sur le marché du travail entrainent un plus haut niveau de dette immobilière tandis que ceux qui perdent leurs emplois sont exclus du marché du crédit. En conséquence, le ratio LTV devient endogène et répond de manière procyclique aux fluctuations de l’emploi. Nous avons montré que cette modélisation était empiriquement fondée et résout les anomalies d'une contrainte de crédit standard. Dans le dernier chapitre, nous avons étendu l’analyse précédemment effectuée en intégrant des firmes qui s’endettent dans le but d’obtenir un cycle financier plus complet. Le premier résultat est qu’une contrainte de crédit pour les firmes intégrant à la fois les biens immobiliers, le capital et la masse salariale permet de mieux rendre compte des fluctuations sur le marché du travail comparativement aux contraintes n’intégrant qu’une partie de ces trois composantes. Le second résultat met en évidence le rôle des fluctuations immobilières et du crédit sur l’emploi. Les deux derniers chapitres ont d’importantes implications pour les politiques économiques. Une réforme structurelle du marché du travail visant à le déréguler entraine une forte hausse de la dette immobilière pour les ménages ainsi que du prix de l’immobilier et une augmentation moindre de la dette des firmes. Notre approche révèle qu’une politique macroprudentielle visant à restreindre la capacité d’emprunt des ménages conduit à des effets positifs à long terme pour l’économie tout en limitant les effets sur le marché immobilier (dette et prix). A l’inverse, une politique macroprudentielle visant à réduire l’emprunt des entreprises conduit à l’effet inverse avec des effets négatifs à long terme pour l’économie. / During the Great Recession, the interactions between housing, labor and entry highlight the existence of narrow propagation channels between these markets. The aim of this thesis is to shed a light on labor market interactions with firm entry and financial business cycles, by building on the recent theoretical and empirical of DSGE models. In the first chapter, we have found evidence of the key role of the net entry as an amplifying mechanism for employment dynamics. Introducing search and matching frictions, we have studied from a new perspective the cyclicality of the mark-up compared to previous researches that use Walrasian labor market. We found a less countercyclical markup due to the acyclical aspect of the marginal cost in the DMP framework and a reduced role according to firm's entry in the cyclicality of the markup. In the second chapter, we have linked the borrowing capacity of households to their employment situation on the labor market. With this new microfoundation of the collateral constraint, new matches on the labor market translate into more mortgages, while separation induces an exclusion from financial markets for jobseekers. As a result, the LTV becomes endogenous by responding procyclically to employment fluctuations. We have shown that this device is empirically relevant and solves the anomalies of the standard collateral constraint. In the last chapter, we extend the analysis developed in the previous one by integrating collateral constrained firms in order to have a more complete financial business cycle. The first result is that an entrepreneur collateral constraint integrating capital, real commercial estate and wage bill in advance is empirically relevant compared to the collateral literature associated to the labor market which does not consider these three assets. The second finding is the role of the housing price and credit squeezes in the rise of the unemployment rate during the Great Recession. The last two chapters have important implications for economic policy. A structural deregulation reform in the labor market induces a significant rise in the debt level for households and housing price, combined with a substantial rise of firm debt. Our approach allows us to reveal that a macroprudential policy aiming to tighten the LTV ratio for household borrowers has positive effects in the long run for output and employment, while tightening LTV ratios for entrepreneurs leads to the opposite effect.

No description available.

This thesis deals with economic, political and social aspects of Brazil. The first chapter characterizes Brazil as one of the developing centres of the world economy with emphasis on its geographical and demographic situation and on the political development from the period of colonization to the new millenium. It offers detailed analysis of the social problem as well. The second chapter is basically oriented to the characteristics of the brazil economy. It focuses especially on the structural reforms effectuated in the nineties and on the "Real Plan". The next part of the chapter deals with the description of che basic economic profile and the financial sphere of the country and offers the evaluation of the economic development in the 2007. At the end the "Growth Acceleration Program" is presented. The last chapter analyses actual situation of the brazil foreign trade and of the investment sphere, the most perspective sectors for investments, but it points out potential risks for the investors as well. In the end this chapter tries to define perspectives of the next development of the brazil economy and it's future role in the world economy.

Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique. / This study analyzes the impact of the liberal peace process on the continuation of violence in the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study finds that conflict dynamics in the two regions are maintained by the establishment of an inclusive power sharing program that is paired with the application of liberal economic reforms. By focusing on reforms in the security sector and on the harmonization of national politics (with the post-conflict elections of 2006 in view), the peace process neglects local political and socio-economic issues. The disengagement of the state and the liberalization of the mining sector increase the corruption levels of the transition government and reinforce the illegal exploitation of resources by armed groups. This research supports that the massive establishment of multinational mining companies in the provinces of North and South Kivu contributes to the deformation of the local socio-economic fabric, increasing the dependence of local populations to informal governance networks and strengthening the diverse armed groups present in the region. Thus, the structural reforms carried within the framework of the liberal peace process perpetuate violence and cause new conflict dynamics centered around the control of local resources, whether economic or political.

Cette étude analyse l’impact du processus libéral de paix en République Démocratique du Congo sur la poursuite des violences dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu. Elle soutient que les dynamiques conflictuelles dans ces deux régions sont entretenues par l’établissement d’un programme de partage de pouvoir (power sharing), inclusif, jumelé à l’application des réformes économiques libérales. En se concentrant sur la réforme du secteur de sécurité et l’harmonisation de la politique nationale (en vue des élections post-conflictuelles de 2006), le processus de paix néglige les enjeux politiques et socio-économiques locaux. Le désengagement de l’État et la libéralisation du secteur minier accentuent le taux de corruption du gouvernement de transition et renforcent l’exploitation illégale des ressources par les groupes armés. Cette recherche soutient que l’implantation massive d’entreprises minières multinationales dans les provinces du Nord et du Sud Kivu aggrave la déformation des tissus socio-économiques locaux, accentue la dépendance des populations aux réseaux de gouvernance informelle et renforce les divers groupes armés présents sur le terrain. Par conséquent, les réformes structurelles menées dans le cadre du processus libéral de paix font perdurer les violences et occasionnent de nouvelles dynamiques conflictuelles localisées autour du contrôle des ressources locales, qu’elles soient d’ordre économique ou politique. / This study analyzes the impact of the liberal peace process on the continuation of violence in the provinces of North and South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The study finds that conflict dynamics in the two regions are maintained by the establishment of an inclusive power sharing program that is paired with the application of liberal economic reforms. By focusing on reforms in the security sector and on the harmonization of national politics (with the post-conflict elections of 2006 in view), the peace process neglects local political and socio-economic issues. The disengagement of the state and the liberalization of the mining sector increase the corruption levels of the transition government and reinforce the illegal exploitation of resources by armed groups. This research supports that the massive establishment of multinational mining companies in the provinces of North and South Kivu contributes to the deformation of the local socio-economic fabric, increasing the dependence of local populations to informal governance networks and strengthening the diverse armed groups present in the region. Thus, the structural reforms carried within the framework of the liberal peace process perpetuate violence and cause new conflict dynamics centered around the control of local resources, whether economic or political.