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Coffee is money, maize is food : Discussing agricultural specialization in TanzaniaBörjeson, Natasja January 2007 (has links)
<p>This paper deals with the economic development of Tanzania and especially with the development of the smallholders. My aim is to study whether the Structural Adjustment Programmes have helped to facilitate growth in the agricultural and export-sector and if the reforms implemented through the programmes have made agricultural specialization easier and improved the economic situation for the smallholders.</p><p>In this paper, I will discuss that there might be significant limitations in the favours received due to SAP and that the Structural Adjustment Programmes because of this may not be the model for agricultural development as it is claimed by the initiators; the World Bank and the IMF. On the contrary, I present the idea that SAP can be said to have failed in its undertaking and that the reforms might not be suitable for the smallholder sector. I will in the paper argue that SAP has not facilitated an agricultural specialization and that this has much to do with the increase of production costs that the smallholders have been faced with after the reforms. And because of this it could be argued that the Structural Adjustment Programmes might not be an appropriate development strategy for Tanzania, if the country is to achieve growth through specialization. Consequently, there might be reason to believe that the reforms not are overall suitable for the Tanzanian development, considering that a growth within the agricultural smallholder sector is crucial for Tanzania to achieve a long term economic growth.</p>
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Coffee is money, maize is food : Discussing agricultural specialization in TanzaniaBörjeson, Natasja January 2007 (has links)
This paper deals with the economic development of Tanzania and especially with the development of the smallholders. My aim is to study whether the Structural Adjustment Programmes have helped to facilitate growth in the agricultural and export-sector and if the reforms implemented through the programmes have made agricultural specialization easier and improved the economic situation for the smallholders. In this paper, I will discuss that there might be significant limitations in the favours received due to SAP and that the Structural Adjustment Programmes because of this may not be the model for agricultural development as it is claimed by the initiators; the World Bank and the IMF. On the contrary, I present the idea that SAP can be said to have failed in its undertaking and that the reforms might not be suitable for the smallholder sector. I will in the paper argue that SAP has not facilitated an agricultural specialization and that this has much to do with the increase of production costs that the smallholders have been faced with after the reforms. And because of this it could be argued that the Structural Adjustment Programmes might not be an appropriate development strategy for Tanzania, if the country is to achieve growth through specialization. Consequently, there might be reason to believe that the reforms not are overall suitable for the Tanzanian development, considering that a growth within the agricultural smallholder sector is crucial for Tanzania to achieve a long term economic growth.
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A critical discourse analysis of public-private partnerships in education in Black Africa : A case of basic education in LiberiaSsenyonjo, Habib January 2020 (has links)
With many countries in Black Africa immersed in external debts and yet others grappling with effects of civil wars and pandemics, social services such as basic education and primary health care pose challenges to them. To mitigate such shortcomings in the region, innovative ways to provide basic education are sought by the private sector. To meet the goals of education for all, national governments fall short of alternatives which gives rise to options like low fee private schools (LFPSs). But these innovative ways which are basically home-grown have got foreign competitors who provide the same basic education services. This thesis does not address the element of competition; rather it explores latest global changes that affect almost all aspects of social life – particularly basic education. This thesis looks at the public-private partnerships (PPPs) in education with low fee private schools (LFPSs) as one of the ‘innovative’ ways of providing basic education; this has had an effect of having entire basic education systems contracted out by national governments in the region. With weak public service systems, how can Black Africa implement PPPs with LFPSs? Using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis – theory and method as well as operationalised space-times theory by Harvey (1990), this thesis probed PPPs with LFPSs in Liberia. The objectives were to understand the nature of educational reforms advocated in PPPs with LFPSs and to examine the kind of relationship between government and private sector service providers in PPPs with a view of locating the power within such relationships. Another objective was to probe how equitable and inclusive these basic education services provided by PPPs with LFPSs were. The study revealed that PPPs with LFPSs are implicated in denying access to the rural communities, limiting equitable and inclusive education to many social groups like the poor, girls and people with disabilities as well as seeming to undermine national and local governments due to power and ideology.
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Inflation dynamics and its effects on monetary policy rulesMoleka, Elvis Musango January 2015 (has links)
This thesis examines dynamic relationships between inflation and monetary policy in a sample of African economies using quarterly data over the period 1980:01 to 2012:04. The literature on inflation dynamics and monetary policy focuses on developed economies, with little attention devoted to the African economies, which is potentially explained by the fact that in the past monetary policy played second fiddle because of fiscal policy dominance following episodes of high inflation and stabilization policies that occurred in the 1980's. This thesis fills an important gap in assessing African's monetary policy. The thesis predominantly uses the Vector-Autoregression (VAR) framework to examine the monetary policy frameworks of the African economies. The thesis finds that an interest rate shock on average explain a more significant proportion of the variance in the output gap and inflation than the exchange rate, in terms of analysing the decomposition of shocks to the economy. This shows a shift in the monetary policy focus away from exchange rate management to interest rate targeting as the African economies have become more market oriented. The monetary policy reveal strong asymmetric responses with respect to the macroeconomic variables when inflation exceeds its threshold value. The analysis suggests that monetary policy in the African economies is regime-dependent, propagated through the inflation thresholds, such that the authorities strongly implement policy changes when inflation goes beyond a certain threshold. The thesis reveals that by taking into account the prior belief of the monetary authorities, it helps produce better estimates of the performance of the monetary policy transmission mechanism, as it combines prior information with the sampling information which is contained in the data. The overall novelty of the thesis is that some African economies are adopting inflation targeting policies instead of exchange rate management. It is imperative that the subsequent inflation targeting frameworks will achieve monetary policy objectives for the African economies and the use of interest rate management should be continued.
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The dynamics of student unrests in Kenya's higher education : the case of Moi UinversityKiboiy, Kiptoo Lelei January 2013 (has links)
Higher education in post-independence Kenya from 1963 to 2009 has been characterized by rapid expansion - both in terms of student enrolment and in a sharp increase in the number of both private and public universities. While national and institutional mechanisms, such as the establishment of a revolving fund, the Higher Education Loans Board and the introduction of the Privately Sponsored Students Programme, have been initiated to address the sharp demand for higher education against a backdrop of diminishing financial support, violent student unrest - which seriously undermined these efforts - has persisted. A sustained period of student unrest has characterized Kenya‟s higher education. This has manifested itself in the form of violent protests, riots, boycotts and strikes. Statistics indicate that the intensity/frequency and violence of the strikes has steadily increased over the years. For example, between 1969 and 2000 sixty-nine cases of student strikes were recorded at all the public universities. Of these cases, twenty-two (31.88%) occurred within a time span of 20 years (1969-1989) while forty-seven cases (68.12%) occurred in a short period of just one decade (1990-2000).At Moi University twenty-four cases of strikes, which affected its colleges and campuses, were recorded between 1985 and 2009. In terms of radical policy adaptation at both national and institutional levels, one would expect a downward trend in unrest. Instead, however, the frequency and intensity of violence associated with strikes has increased at an alarming rate with several deaths being reported.
As such, this study has investigated the factors that have contributed to, and informed, a sustained period of student unrest with a specific focus on Moi University in order to identify policy lessons. Global, national and institutional aspects were examined. A case study strategy was applied - with Moi University as its focus. Data was collected through an in-depth review of the relevant literature, document analysis and interviews. Past and present senior management staff members at Moi University, including Deans of Faculties, Deans of Students, Heads of Departments, and Heads of Sections as well as former student leaders were interviewed. The study concludes in its findings that the university is operating within a highly dynamic and unstable social-political environment, leading to the emergence of inadequate policy adaptations. The resultant shortcomings in the operations of the university attract the wrath of an informed student population in the form of unrest. The students action is not however simply reactionary, as they too, as change agents have their own agenda that evolves over time as they seize opportunities created by the policy shortcomings to pursue it. The study summarized the salient factors responsible for the violent unrest in five broad thematic areas. These include: (i) Unrest associated with flawed international and national policies and social pressure; (ii) Unrest associated with critical national issues and identification with progressive change agents; (iii) Unrest associated with student politics;(iv) Unrest associated with social identity and threats of their welfare from organized groups; and (v) Unrest associated with the prevalence of institutional catalyzing factors. A typical strike develops through four main phases: (i) The development/ brewing phase; (ii) The heightened tension phase; (iii) The full blown strike phase; and (iv) The dissipation/uneasy calm phase. Organizational disequilibrium describes the general state of instability characterizing the university, while organizational paranoia is associated with instances of devastating strikes during a heightened tension phase. A strike matrix of Spontaneous vs Orchestrated and Flash vs Protracted typify the strikes. Unrest has led to the disruption of academic programmes; the destruction of property and deaths; a loss of critical study time; and damage to students‟ careers caused by suspensions and expulsions. The need for a well-considered policy that involves exhaustive consultation with all the stake-holders emerges as critical for the future stability of universities. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted
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From state maintenance grants 'to a new child support system: Building a policy for poverty alleviation with special reference to the financial, social, and developmental impacts.Haarmann, Dirk January 1998 (has links)
Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / State social security transfers for families existed in South Africa only in the form of state maintenance grants, which paid up to R700 to single parents. The system was not appropriate in the South African context, being racially biased and financially unsustainable. The Department of Welfare - following in principle the recommendations of the "Lund report" - introduced with effect from 1 April 1998 a child support grant which is payable to the primary care-givers of children, regardless of their family status. The level of benefit was set at RIOOper month per child for children up to the age of six (incl.). The Department declared that 48% or 3 million children should be targeted. At the same time, the SMGs are to be phased out over a three year period. This research was conducted between November 1995 and March 1998. The analysis of the different suggestions during the policy process and the final policy is based on two pillars: • A situation analysis of the living conditions of South Africa's children on the basis of a composite index. • An evaluation of policy scenarios on the basis of a microsimulation model. The index tries to give a complex picture of the living conditions of children by looking at the financial situation, housing, health, and employment opportunities of the households the children are living in. The analysis reveals that nearly 70% of
South Africa's children up to the age of six (incl.) live below the poverty line as defined. A further analysis of the household structure indicates that poorer children are likely to live in larger households. The overall policy shift from a support of single parent families to children in poverty regardless of their family status is espoused. However, the microsimulation model which analyses the impact of different factors like the 'level of benefit', the 'age-cohort', the 'means-test', and the 'administrative requirements', reveals that there are still serious flaws in the current policy. Due to the fact that the means-test is based on the total household income, nearly 40% of the children living below the poverty line are excluded. In addition, the administration needs urgent attention as its capacity is the decisive factor in the success of the programme. The thesis calculates that in the next five years up to R2 billion less will be spent on poor children and the goal of reaching 3 million children will not be achieved, if the problems identified are not addressed. The thesis develops an alternative suggestion to the current policy. While microsimulation has become quite a standard procedure in the analysis of social policies in industrialised countries, there is so far no application in developing countries. It is hoped that by taking this policy analysis as a case-study, this thesis is a step towards the introduction of this method here. Microsimulation models provide important information to enhance the transparency and accountability of policy processes. In this case, civil society was able to challenge Government's decision on a very informed basis, to put pressure on decision makers successfully, and to make workable alternative suggestions. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that against Government's
promise redistribution does not take place. Instead a shift towards a more neo-liberal approach in social policy is observed.
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Policy reforms and economic development : an institutional perspective on the Nigerian experience (1986 to 1993)Dipeolu, Adeyemi Olayiwola Kayode 11 1900 (has links)
African economies, including Nigeria continued to perform poorly despite the adoption of economic policy
reforms in the 1980s. An explanation for the failure of economic policy reforms was therefore sought from
an institutional perspective. Since active state intervention in the economy was the rationale given for the
economic crisis of developing countries, the conventional case for an active state which rested on the need
to correct for market failure was counterposed with the argument that the economy was best coordinated by
market forces given that the state was not benevolent, omniscient or omnipotent. However, the state has
played an important role in the transformation of late developers while a state-market dichotomy takes no
account of institutional factors.
The widespread adoption of economic policy reforms owed more to an ideological shift in the development
paradigm than to the debt crisis and there was a great deal of controversy about the theoretical foundations
and impact of these reforms contrary to claims of a consensus. An institutionalist political economy which
recognises that the market is not the only institution and that economic transformation requires the positive
use of political power was proposed. Such an approach takes account of history, politics and the institutional
diversity of capitalism. A more nuanced view of state intervention was therefore advocated. The importance
of institutional arrangements in the quest for economic transformation underscored the inadequacy of
structural adjustment which was hampered by the lack of price and institutional flexibility as well as other
institutional constraints.
The Nigerian experience of structural adjustment shows that long term growth prospects were not enhanced
and that the reforms tended to favour the financial sector over the real sector. The failure of economic policy
reforms in Nigeria can be attributed to the continued presence of constraining institutional factors and the
absence of a positive use of political power. / Economics / D. Comm. (Economics)
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Policy reforms and economic development : an institutional perspective on the Nigerian experience (1986 to 1993)Dipeolu, Adeyemi Olayiwola Kayode 11 1900 (has links)
African economies, including Nigeria continued to perform poorly despite the adoption of economic policy
reforms in the 1980s. An explanation for the failure of economic policy reforms was therefore sought from
an institutional perspective. Since active state intervention in the economy was the rationale given for the
economic crisis of developing countries, the conventional case for an active state which rested on the need
to correct for market failure was counterposed with the argument that the economy was best coordinated by
market forces given that the state was not benevolent, omniscient or omnipotent. However, the state has
played an important role in the transformation of late developers while a state-market dichotomy takes no
account of institutional factors.
The widespread adoption of economic policy reforms owed more to an ideological shift in the development
paradigm than to the debt crisis and there was a great deal of controversy about the theoretical foundations
and impact of these reforms contrary to claims of a consensus. An institutionalist political economy which
recognises that the market is not the only institution and that economic transformation requires the positive
use of political power was proposed. Such an approach takes account of history, politics and the institutional
diversity of capitalism. A more nuanced view of state intervention was therefore advocated. The importance
of institutional arrangements in the quest for economic transformation underscored the inadequacy of
structural adjustment which was hampered by the lack of price and institutional flexibility as well as other
institutional constraints.
The Nigerian experience of structural adjustment shows that long term growth prospects were not enhanced
and that the reforms tended to favour the financial sector over the real sector. The failure of economic policy
reforms in Nigeria can be attributed to the continued presence of constraining institutional factors and the
absence of a positive use of political power. / Economics / D. Comm. (Economics)
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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