Thesis (DTech(Marketing Management)-- Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2011 / The fall of apartheid in South Africa has attracted a large number of immigrants from different parts of the world, predominantly from sub-Saharan Africa. Sub-Saharan Africans immigrate to South Africa mainly in search of greener pastures and for educational enhancement. However, in pursuit of their objectives, sub-Saharan African immigrants encounter numerous challenges. One of the main challenges encountered by sub-Saharan African immigrants in South Africa is the absence of indigenous foods in South Africa’s leading supermarkets. As a result, the majority of these immigrants are compelled to modify their taste and food needs to comply with available local products. Sub-Saharan African immigrants in South Africa also consume indigenous foods obtained from friends and relatives visiting South Africa and from ethnic entrepreneurs. However, ethnic entrepreneurs are perceived to be expensive, have poor quality products and a limited variety of stocks. As a result, the majority of sub-Saharan African immigrants in South Africa prefer to buy their indigenous foodstuffs from South Africa’s major supermarkets, in the case where they are stocked by these supermarkets. It is noteworthy that, South Africa’s leading supermarket chains acknowledge the potential of the emerging sub-Saharan African immigrant market and are interested in stocking indigenous food products from other sub-Saharan African countries. However, these supermarkets lack the knowledge and understanding of the market in order to establish marketing strategies to cater for their immigrant customers’ indigenous food needs. This study has established a food consumption behaviour model of the sub-Saharan African immigrants in South Africa.

abstract: Diarrheal diseases caused by poor water, sanitation and hygiene continue to kill more children in Sub-Saharan Africa's burgeoning informal urban settlements than in any other part of the world. In recent years, Delegated Management Model (DMM), a partnership in which a utility delegates service management to slum residents have been promoted as new models to improve services. This dissertation examines the benefits of DMM by comparing water services in three informal settlements in Kisumu city, Kenya: two slums where DMM has been implemented, and one, a control, where it has not. In addition, the research examined how school-based hygiene interventions could be designed to improve safe water and hygiene knowledge in urban informal settlements. This study compared outcomes of two approaches to hygiene education, one which combined messages with participatory water testing; the second used hygiene messages alone. Results of the DMM study showed that DMM implementation had lowered water cost and improved provider accountability. However, unhygienic water collection and handling practices on the part of the service users could contaminate drinking water that was clean at the delivery point, thus preventing the intended health outcomes of DMM from being realized. Results of the hygiene education intervention showed that one week after the inventions, hygiene knowledge among students who received the intervention that combined hygiene messages with participatory water testing was significantly improved. Evaluation of the intervention 12 months after implementation showed that the hygiene knowledge gained was sustained. The research findings suggest that: i) regular monitoring of water quality at the kiosks is essential to ensure that the DMM model achieves intended health outcomes, ii) sanitation conditions at kiosk sites need to be regulated to meet minimum hygiene standards, and iii) customers need to be educated on safe water collection and storage practices. Finally, school-based hygiene education could be made more effective by including hands-on water testing by students. Making sustainable impact on health and wellbeing of slum residents requires not only building effective partnerships for water delivery, but also paying close attention to the other points of intervention within the water system. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Sustainability 2014

A República Democrática do Congo tem sofrido, no período pós-Guerra Fria, os momentos mais trágicos de sua história. O país foi palco da Primeira Guerra do Congo e da Segunda Guerra do Congo – esta também chamada de "Guerra Mundial Africana", por ser o conflito armado que mais matou desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial (3,8 milhões de pessoas). Contudo, mesmo após o fim formal das conflagrações em 2003, o país vive um "estado de violência", no qual mais de 1,6 milhão de pessoas morreram e outras centenas de milhares estão deslocadas internamente, refugiadas ou têm sido vítimas de violência sexual. Destarte, a pergunta que a pesquisa procura responder é “por que, mesmo após a paz formal, o estado de violência permanece na República Democrática do Congo (RDC)?” O argumento aqui sugerido é que a guerra continua na RDC, pois não houve a definição militar do conflito, primeiro passo no processo de construção do Estado. Há a permanência de grupos armados que atuam contra as populações civis e o governo central, e em locais onde o aparelho coercitivo do Estado é ineficiente ou mesmo inexistente. Esta realidade se relaciona com o processo histórico de construção do Estado do Congo, bem como com a forma de resolução da Guerra Mundial Africana mediante mecanismos de paz negociada, ou power-sharing. O primeiro capítulo do trabalho trata de problemas teórico-conceituais sobre a relação entre guerra e Estado na África Subsaariana e no Congo. Os capítulos subseqüentes tratam sobre a relação entre guerra e construção do Estado no Congo pós-independência, estudando três guerras principais ocorridas no país e as suas relações com o processo de construção do Estado. A pesquisa sugere que a adoção de uma Reforma do Setor de Segurança voltada à construção do exército nacional pode trazer os benefícios da definição militar do conflito para os mecanismos de paz negociada. Como contribuição adicional o exército nacional pode gerar meios não-militares de definir o conflito, incentivando a formação da burocracia e da economia nacionais. / The Democratic Republic of Congo has suffered, in the post-Cold War era, the most tragic moments in its history. The country was the place of the First Congo War and Second Congo War – this one also called "African World War" because it is the armed conflict that killed more since the Second World War (3.8 million people). However, even after the formal end of the conflagrations in 2003, the country is experiencing a "state violence", in which more than 1.6 million people died and hundreds of thousands are internally displaced, refugees or have been victims of sexual violence . Thus, the question that the research seeks to answer is "why, even after the formal peace, the state of violence remains in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)?" The argument suggested here is that the war continues in the DRC, since there was the definition of military conflict, the first step in the process of nation building. There is the persistence of armed groups against civilians and the central government, and in places where the coercive apparatus of the state is inefficient or nonexistent. This reality relates to the historical process of state building of the Congo, as well as the resolution of the African World War through mechanisms of negotiated peace, or power-sharing. The first chapter of this dissertation deals with theoretical and conceptual issues about the relationship between war and state in sub-Saharan Africa and the Congo. Subsequent chapters deal with the relationship between war and state building in post-independence Congo, studying three major wars occurred in the country and its relations with the process of state-building. The research suggests that the adoption of a Security Sector Reform focused on building the national army can bring the benefits of military conflict resolution mechanisms for negotiated peace. As an additional contribution, the national army can generate non-military means of defining the conflict, encouraging the formation of the bureaucracy and the national economy.

FN påbörjade sina första biståndsprojekt för drygt 60 år sedan och i Sverige började man arbeta med organiserat bistånd under 60-talet. Det är alltså under relativt lång tid som världens rikare länder har försökt hjälpa de mindre rika länderna att utvecklas. Arbetet kring bistånd är dock mycket komplext och en hel del problem har uppstått under den här perioden. Den här uppsatsen syftar till att belysa några av de risker som kan uppstå i samband med biståndsarbetet. Att risker uppstår är inte speciellt konstigt då två (eller flera) länder med ofta mycket olika politiska system ska samarbeta, eftersom värdegrunderna kan skilja sig avsevärt. Resultatet har visat att dessa risker är svåra att hantera, vilket kan bero på olika faktorer som projektens omfattande storlek samt att givare och mottagare av bistånd inte alltid har samma uppfattning om hur biståndet bör användas. Resultatet har också visat att trots att man under en så pass lång period har arbetat aktivt med att utveckla och förbättra biståndsarbetet inte lyckats komma tillrätta med risker och problem som exempelvis korruption, ett problem som snarare tycks växa. Slutligen tyder resultatet också på att bistånd i vissa fall riskerar att göra mer skada än nytta, vilket visar på att arbetet kring bistånd måste förbättras avsevärt för att biståndet verkligen ska få de positiva följder som biståndsgivarna säger sig sträva efter.

Abstract This article investigates the complex issue of aid, and differs from other attempts at evaluating the outcomes and policies of aid since this evaluation is solely based on the policies of the donor countries. It investigates if, and how well, the world´s two greatest aid donors, The European Developmental Fund (EDF) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) responds to recent research and the need for change in this policy area in respect to Sub- Saharan African states.

One of the major reasons for political instability in Sub-Saharan Africa originates from the way elections are conducted. Most African countries have quite a handful of electoral malpractices which lead to political instability, civil wars and low economic growth.  Electronic voting might be a solution to the election problems and thus bring in a stable political atmosphere which attracts investors. This thesis looks at the prospects and challenges of implementing e-voting in Ghana and Sub-Saharan Africa as a solution to the current manual paper-based system and proposes a framework and requirements which can be used as guidelines for its adoption and implementation. The thesis has been conducted by studying literature on electronic voting and Diffusion of Innovations Theory. Furthermore, a case study has been conducted on the Ghanaian electoral process, by conducting interviews with the Danquah Institute of Ghana and through questionnaires to some Ghanaian citizens in both the rural and urban areas of Ghana. The main results from the thesis show that the adoption and subsequent implementation of e-voting in SSA countries, can only be possible if the governments show strong committment and support by securing funds through donor organizations, and providing the necessary IT infrastructure and other resources needed to support the project. Voter education too is an absolute necessity. The adoption of e-voting is mainly based on how the innovation will be diffused and the perceived benefits that will be derived from the investment. Hence, particular attention should be paid to the various communication channels, especially the media, through which messages are passed across to the citizens.

Magister Theologiae - MTh / The understanding and practice of leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa, in all spheres, is at the heart beat of this work. Questions and concerns over the quality of leadership in most countries in this particular region are reasons which have led to revisit and investigate the formative training of the current cohort of African leadership with a special focus on the ethical aspect of leadership. It is an assumption, in this thesis, that the contemporary cohort of African leadership received their formative training especially in the 1960s and 1970s and that they were deeply influenced by the black consciousness movement and, in association with that, by the emergence of black theology. In this respect, this research project explores the notions of ethics and leadership with a view to determine ways in which an appropriate leadership ethos was portrayed and articulated in the writings of selected exponents of the black theology movement, namely ML King (Jr), Desmond Tutu and Allan Boesak. The purpose of this work is therefore mainly descriptive: to map discourse on a leadership ethos in the context especially of black theology. / South Africa

This thesis expands upon the concept of the global culture wars in sub-Saharan Africa from a Canadian perspective, focusing on the growing division within Canada between conservative, religious values and liberal, progressive ones (Caplan, 2012). This division led to a political and cultural realignment alongside the increased visibility and leadership of religious and faith communities in Canadian public and political life. Amidst this polarization, Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper was elected Prime Minister in February 2006. Under his leadership, a conservative, pro-family agenda was established. This agenda, which advocates a traditional understanding of family life and structure, in particular refers to a legally married, heterosexual couple with children. It was supported by the evangelical Christian population in Canada, which grew from a united religious community in Canada into a significant constituency of the Conservative Party. Harper’s tenure, coupled with the increased visibility and leadership of faith and religious communities significantly affected domestic and international policies during his tenure as Prime Minister, from 2006 to 2015. This thesis examines the Muskoka Initiative on Maternal, Child, and Newborn Health (Muskoka-MNCH) and shows how this initiative, which fostered anti-abortion rhetoric abroad, was utilized to appease the evangelical community’s anti-abortion position in Canada.

HIV/AIDS is a real threat for Sub-Saharan Countries. It increased adult mortality substantially. HIV/AIDS pandemic causes the death of the most productive part of affected population. Human capital passing on to future generations is limited. Low economic performance and income inequality induce higher HIV vulnerability. Contra wise HIV/AIDS has significant negative effect on the welfare of affected population. The sources of pandemic in Sub-Saharan Africa are not only social and cultural. Health and nutrition situation play considerable role. Holistic approach based on education, fidelity, abstinence and improvement of economic situation and moderate condom use (as the last way of prevention) seems to be an effective way of pandemic elimination.

Le XIXe siècle en Afrique noire était non seulement marqué par la l'initiative de la colonisation occidentale, mais aussi par la mission de christianisation. A partir de ce moment jusqu'à la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, l'identité africaine signifiée par un mode de vie particulier était définie en opposition aux valeurs chrétiennes. Il était donc impossible d'être chrétien et Africain en même temps. C'est ainsi que beaucoup d'Africains chrétiens s'occidentalisèrent et rejetèrent leurs coutumes considérées comme les œuvres du mal. Dans le contexte colonial, ceci était considéré comme normal.Après la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, les intellectuels africains initièrent beaucoup de mouvements pour affirmer l'identité africaine: ce fut le commencement de l'émancipation culturelle et politique. Un de ces mouvements fut la Société Africaine de Culture, un mouvement intellectuel fondé par Alioune Diop et se situant dans le prolongement de Présence Africaine qui avait déjà rassemblé des intellectuels africains, antillais et européens. Alioune Diop devint alors le leader de l'émancipation culturelle de l'Afrique.En se consacrant à la figure d'Alioune Diop, la thèse souligne l'importance de la biographie intellectuelle, comme méthode de réflexion en histoire africaine. Elle y est présentée comme une approche qui permet de saisir des aspects qui peuvent échapper à l'intérêt accordé aux événements. Une autre caractéristique de cette réflexion est la place accordée à des archives non organisées et aux interviews dans un travail scientifique. La thèse soutient donc qu'il y a une dimension de l'engagement d'Alioune Diop qui, bien que moins connue, constitue une clé de compréhension de sa vie et de son œuvre. Cet intellectuel africain était en effet attentif à la religion et tout particulièrement au christianisme. Il considérait cette religion comme une réalité qui en Afrique pouvait soutenir le changement de nombreuses situations, pour permettre à ses peuples de trouver leur place dans le monde moderne. Ainsi, dans tous les événements qu'il organisa, la religion chrétienne eut une place particulière. Comme le combat d'Alioune Diop consistait à restaurer la dignité africaine au moyen de la culture, le catholicisme, en tant qu'une expression du christianisme alors portée par la culture occidentale essentiellement, avait une place importante dans ses réflexions. La thèse soutient que l'émancipation de l'identité africaine était aussi une émancipation du christianisme en contexte africain, et donc du catholicisme. Elle démontre que le catholicisme dans sa situation actuelle, comme religion africaine, est largement tributaire de l'engagement d'Alioune Diop et des intellectuels qu'il était parvenu à rassembler autour de lui. Cependant, dans le but de comprendre ceci, certaines questions apparaissent importantes: quel est l'exacte contribution d'Alioune Diop dans la correction des dérives de la rencontre entre identité africaine et catholicisme? Comment s'exprime cette rencontre dans un contexte postcolonial? Quels éléments donnent une signification à l'africanisation du catholicisme au XXe siècle? Toutes ces questions structurent l'orientation de ce travail et ouvrent à de nombreux aspects de l'identité africaine à travers d'importants événements comme les deux congrès des écrivains et artistes noirs (Paris et Rome), les deux festivals mondiaux des arts nègres (Dakar et Lagos), les colloques organisés par Alioune Diop avec d'autres intellectuels africains. Il y a aussi une mise en exergue de certaines questions en rapport avec la religion chrétienne: parmi elles, les plus importantes sont: l'œcuménisme, le dialogue entre les religions de l'Afrique en rapport avec la personnalité africaine et l'héritage colonial et postcolonial. / The 19th century in Sub-Saharan Africa was not only marked by the setting up of the European colonialism, but also by the Christian gospel preached in all the colonized territories. From this time until after the World War II, African identity which means the expression of the way of life of the Africans had been considered as an opposite to the Christian values. Clearly, it appeared impossible to be Christian and African at the same time. So, many African Christians had become Occidentalized and rejected their customs as the work of the devil. In a colonial context, this was considered as normal.After the World War II, African intellectuals initiated a lot of movements, in order to restore the African identity in all the issues concerning African peoples: this was the beginning of the emancipation, culturally and politically. One of the most important of those movements was African Society of Culture, an intellectual movement funded by Alioune Diop and situated onward of the movement “Présence Africaine” which had already gathered African, West Indian and European intellectuals. Alioune Diop became practically the leader of the African emancipation in the 20th century. The PhD dissertation, by focusing on the African intellectual Alioune Diop, emphasizes the importance of the biography, put in French “biographie intellectuelle”, as a method in African history. It is presented as a manner to study the African past in order to get to know this past in a way which appears different but very important to discover some details not covered through methods based on events. Another feature of this reflection is the capacity it gives to consider non organized archives and interviews in a scientific work.